CULTURAL diversity, like flux, is the law of human life. Diversity is something that characterizes everything that exists in this world — both animate and inanimate. More particularly, it is built in everything that breathes — plants, animals, and homo sapiens. Indeed, diversity characterizes individuals, groups, nations, cultures, and civilizations.

In a word, it is a pluralist world we live in. More specifically, it was pluralistic yesterday, it is pluralistic today, and it would continue to be pluralistic tomorrow, despite what Huntington envisages and proposes for a new world order in the coming decades.

In the current debate on Islam and Islamic civilization, Islam, incredibly though, has often been perceived and presented as envisaging a cosmos which calls for an unalloyed monistic society, with built-in fanaticism and zero-sum tolerance. This perception is inherently erroneous, ab initio and ipso facto, though. In sum, it stems primarily from a gross ignorance of the basic Islamic doctrines, if not from a jaundiced interpretation of these doctrines. For, even a cursory reading of the Quranic text indicates that pluralism has been averred again and again. Consider, for instance, the following verses:

Mankind! We created / You from a single (pair) / Of a male and a female / And made you into / Nations and tribes, that / Ye may know each other / (Not that ye may despise (Each other). (Surah 49, al-Hajurat: 13)

We sent not an apostle / Except (to teach) in the language / Of his (own) people, in order / To make (things) clear to them. / Now God leaves straying / Those whom He pleases / And guides whom He please: / And He is Exalted in Power, / Full of Wisdom. (Surah 14, al-Ibrahim: 4)

Those who believe and those who are the Jews and / The Christians and the Sabians — whoever believes / In God and the Last Day and does good works — / They have their reward with God, and no fear / shall come on them nor shall they grieve. (Surah V, al-Maida: 72)

The principle of pluralism, which and other surahs affirm finds fulsome expression in a statement as the climax to Surah al-Kafirun: Say: O ye / That reject Faith / Worship not that / Which ye worship, / Nor will ye worship / That which I worship / And I will not worship / That which ye have been / Wont to worship / Nor will ye worship / That which I worship / To you be your Way, / And to me mine. (Surah 109, al-Kafirun: 1-6)

Such affirmation in religious freedom is the hallmark of Islam alone. More remarkable, no other religious text affirms this principle so explicitly as the Qur’an does.

Not only in principle, but in practice as well, Islam sanctified pluralism and cultural diversity. This principle, for instance, was recognized and practised in the first Islamic state, founded in Madinah in 622/623, by the Prophet (PBUH) himself, soon after the hijrah (622). The foundational document, on which this state was raised, was the Misaq al-Madinah or the Covenant of Madinah, 622/623. And for the governance of the multi-racial, multi-lingual, multi-cultural, and multi-religious Madinah, the Misaq sanctified the principle of religious, racial, cultural and linguistic pluralism.

Besides the immigrant Qurayshite Muslims, Madinah was then inhabited by the prominent Arab tribes of Aws and Khazraj (which had, by and large, been converted to Islam over time) and several Jewish tribes (including that of the more important Banu’Awf). This Misaq, often referred to as the first written “charter of rights and duties”, guarantees the rights of different entities — racial, religious, cultural, and linguistic — as never before, and they were, moreover, considered as integral parts of the Islamic-orientated civil society. Article 2 of the Misaq pronounces the Qurayshite and the Medinite Muslims as constituting “a political unit (ummah) as distinct from all the people (of the world),” and Article 25 lays down that “the Jews of the Banu ‘Awf shall be considered as a community (ummah) along with the Believers, for the Jews being their religion and for the Muslims their religion...” The subsequent articles (26-35), and 46) include other Jewish tribes within the Ummah canopy.

Thus, pluralism came to constitute, as it were, an integral part of the foundational groundwork of the first Islamic state. And the society Islam had sought to establish since its inception was an equitable and tolerant one i.e., a society which is absolutely free from the cantankerous evils of creeping prejudice and invidious discrimination, and which does not debar anyone from his entitlement to a fair deal on the basis of his race, language, culture, and religion. Thus, fourteen hundred years ago, Islam had set its face against the extermination of minorities through ethnic cleansing as witnessed in the blood-drenched twentieth century in Bosnia, Kosovo, and Kashmir.

What is more remarkable about Muslim societies and the Muslim principles of governance is that not only during the era of classic Islam but long after it the overriding principle of racial, religious, cultural and linguistic pluralism was more or less operative in Muslim lands. Thus, for instance, the Muslim rulers in India, both the Delhi Sultans (1206-1526) and the Great Mughals (1526-1707), followed an ‘open-door’ policy, a policy that was receptive to other influences in the widest political and social sense of the term.

No one for that matter was barred on the basis of race and religion from seeking opportunity in the land, and earning the reward of talent and merit. Even Europeans who came to India in increasing numbers during the 16th and 17th centuries found the climate congenial to a recognition of their talents and to reaping the fruits of their labours: some, like the jeweller Tavernier, traded; some, like the French doctor Bernier, practised their professions; and still others served the Mughal government as artillery men or as ordinary soldiers.

Thus, Islam had affirmed, and Muslim society had largely practised, the hallowed principle of pluralism and cultural diversity. Indeed, Islam in its doctrines and Muslim societies in history present an anti-thesis of the horrendous picture of Islam painted by the latter-day western polemicists, propagandists, and jaundiced observers.

Now, a word about inter-cultural dialogue. There are, at least, two ahadis which, impliedly, call for such a dialogue — the oft-quoted hadith, “Seek ye knowledge from China”, for one. It literally meant that a Muslim was decreed to seek knowledge, even if he had to travel all the way to China (just imagine what all it meant to travel to China in the seventh century!). And how could one seek knowledge without engaging in inter-cultural dialogue?

The Prophet (PBUH) had also decreed that “the word of wisdom is the cherished object of the believer; wherever he finds it, he has a greater title to it” (in Maaja/Tirmizi). Now what do these ahadis imply? They imply a recognition — not only of the existence of civilizations other than that of the Muslims but also that these civilizations posit something which is in the interest of common good and which Muslims can conveniently borrow and adapt for their own progress and prosperity. And since you wouldn’t borrow and adapt elements from a civilization which you really don’t consider worthwhile and worthy of esteem, it also means a recognition of the cardinal fact that the world comprises several civilizations worthy of note and esteem.

In other words, it’s a pluralist world in terms of societies and civilizations. And it is because of such positive and progressive teachings that the Muslims in the classical period, though masters of half the then known world — by 712 AD they were the sovereign power from Spain on the one hand to Sindh on the other — they had developed the tradition of acquiring knowledge from the “civilized” people whom they had come in contact with, though through conquest.

As a corollary, the Muslims did not myopically confine themselves to Arabic, their mother tongue, alone but avidly learnt the languages of the people whom they had worsted in the field of battle, because these languages were then the repository of the state of the art in various sciences. Once this was accomplished, Muslims moved on to the next major step of translating the works in these languages that had contributed to the arts and the sciences, into Arabic, and of borrowing, adapting and assimilating elements from the Greek, Syriac, Iranian and Indian civilizations.

Because of this exercise, the Muslims shone forth in various branches of knowledge and in the arts, and contributed substantially and significantly to the onward march of humanity. This they did from the eighth to the 13th century i.e., till about the fall of Baghdad to Halaku’s hordes in 1258. They had, thus, stood as the pioneers and the minarets in various fields for some five centuries, with Ibn Khaldun from the Maghreb being the last outstanding figure in the 14th century. The fall of Baghdad marked the decline and downfall of the Islamic/Muslim civilization, and for over seven centuries now the Muslims have yet to turn the tide of history.

And since Baghdad they have swerved from the inductive method which the Quran commends at several places, and have turned their back on the erstwhile trend of borrowing, assimilating and adapting elements from other civilizations. In the ultimate analysis, this represents the core cause of their present backwardness. And if only because of an inferiority complex vis-a-vis, especially, the western civilization, they had unwittingly opted for the readily available easy choice of receding into a newly devised hard-crusted shell, and refused to give due recognition to other civilizations for what they are worth. In the process, the tradition of inter-cultural dialogue got irretrievably eroded.

DESPITE sound macroeconomic management and a high growth trajectory for the last few years, Pakistan continues to be gripped by endemic poverty and widespread social deprivation. Although poverty reduction forms the cornerstone of the government’s economic policy, which will yield positive results in the medium to long run, there is an urgent need to alleviate the plight of millions of disadvantaged people in society by strengthening and streamlining the existing social protection system in the country.

Article 38 (d) of the Constitution states that the state shall “provide basic necessities of life, such as food, clothing, housing, education and medical relief, for all such citizens, irrespective of sex, caste, creed or race, as are permanently or temporarily unable to earn their livelihood on account of infirmity, sickness or unemployment”.

Nearly a third of the population lives below the national poverty line (45 million) and another 28 million (20 per cent) just above it. fifty four million people have no access to safe drinking water; 74 million have no sanitation facilities. Literary rate has been estimated at 50 per cent and an adult female is only half as likely to be literate as an adult male. Fifty million people are illiterate in the 10 plus age group. Equally dismal are health and nutrition indicators.

The poverty reduction strategy adopted by the government has four pillars: accelerating economic growth; improving governance and public service delivery; investing in human capital; and targeting the poor and vulnerable. The PRSP emphasises targeted policy interventions for rapid poverty relief through short-term employment opportunities, social safety nets, micro-credit facilities, and financial assistance to poor people. This article focuses on interventions that are designed to provide immediate relief to the poorest and the most vulnerable, while other elements of the strategy have longterm effects on poverty.

Zakat, by far the main social welfare system in the country, was instituted through the Zakat and Ushr Ordinance in 1980. It provides financial assistance to the poorest of the poor, including orphans, widows, handicapped and disabled persons. The emphasis has shifted from relief to rehabilitation since 2001 as more than half of the disbursements are made to enable the beneficiaries to set up small businesses. The current disbursement level is seven billion rupees and the number of beneficiaries is 2.4 million. The Central Zakat Council, the apex body, makes the policy while disbursement is made through 39,429 local zakat committees and 106 district zakat committees under the superintendence of the provincial zakat councils. Zakat funds are allocated among the provinces on population basis.

Pakistan Baitul Maal (PBM) was established in 1992 to provide financial assistance to poor widows, orphans, senior citizens, students and patients. It is also running the Food Support Programme making a cash transfer at the rate of Rs 2400 per year to 1.2 million families three billion rupees. PBM gives grants to NGOs and is also running the child labour rehabilitation centres.

Provincial social welfare departments (PSWDs) are running projects for the empowerment of the marginalised: community development programmes and medical social service projects established in major hospitals providing help to poor, needy and destitute patients; district industrial homes promoting the welfare of women; family protection centres for medical and legal aid; hostels for working women; vocational training centres for women in rural areas; projects for child welfare; homes for old persons and for rehabilitation of mentally retarded and the disabled.

The ministry of women development and the provincial social welfare departments are implementing the Gender Reform Action Plan (GRAP) to empower 72 million female population. The development budget for financial year 2005-06 is at the level of Rs 487 million for projects relating to micro-credit, female protection and rehabilitation services, political empowerment of women, training/skill development, etc.

Social security institutions provide medical coverage to workers employed in establishments employing more than five workers and its actual coverage is about 500,000 workers. These services are confined to the formal non-agricultural sector.

The major initiative by the government for low-paid workers is the Employees Old Age Benefit Institution (EOBI). It was set up under the federal government in 1976. The scheme applies to the industrial, commercial and other establishments which employ at least 10 or more workers. The areas in which it contributes to the welfare of worker are old age pension, invalidity pension, survivors / widows pension, and old age grant. Funds for the scheme are contributed by employers at the rate of five per cent of the wages of insured workers.

The government established Khushhali Bank in 2000. Three micro-finance banks have been set up in the private sector. The outreach of these institutions has increased to half a million households and Khushhali Bank alone has disbursed Rs 4.5 billion so far. The federal and provincial governments are funding local works schemes for generating employment and meeting local development needs.

Also there are about 20,000 NGOs operating in the country, along with an extensive network of private charities.

The above review brings out the inadequacy of the existing social welfare system to cater to the needs of millions of the poorest and the most vulnerable. It is important to strengthen, restructure and expand the existing social safety nets to provide immediate support to the deserving segments of society. The following policy recommendations are made in this regard:

— Funding of social welfare and safety nets needs to be increased manifold to improve the coverage and effectiveness of the system.

— Income transfer programmes are fragmented and handled by many agencies, resulting in duplication, waste and administrative costs. There is a need to consolidate these arrangements.

— Targeting of Zakat and PBM interventions is problematic and transparent criteria need to be adopted for selection of beneficiaries.

— While both Zakat and PBM programmes are in theory based on the principle of moving from consumption support towards rehabilitation, there is lack of institutional capacity to run investment oriented programmes. The concerned agencies should be strengthened and computerised so that they can share data bases with other agencies and refer cases to rural support programmes and micro-finance institutions skilled in handling income earning projects.

— Zakat should be deducted by financial institutions on the basis of average asset values during the year rather than values as of the date of deduction. The zakat system is not broad-based and all zakat deductible assets should be subject to zakat. There is a need to strengthen audit, monitoring, and evaluation of the zakat system. — General subsidies, which involve leakage of benefits to the non-poor, should be phased out to create fiscal space for targeted interventions.

— There is a gap in the safety nets for able-bodied poor who can work but are not bankable. Programmes like the Khushhal Pakistan programme need to be expanded, with an improved system of identification of schemes and supervision over execution.

— The coverage of social security schemes like EOBI and SSI needs to be extended to the agriculture sector having 40 per cent of the work force as well as construction, transport, wholesale and retail sectors employing 27 per cent of the labour force.

— Pakistan’s extensive network of private charities is a sound social fabric that should be preserved and encouraged.

— NGOs are registered under six different laws. There is a need to frame a consolidated law for registration and oversight of NGOs.

— There is a need to institute social insurance programmes that mitigate risks by providing income support in the event of illness, disability, work injury, maternity, unemployment, old age, and death. Owing to limited outreach of the government infrastructure, it is vital that these schemes are implemented through providing an umbrella protection.

— Ongoing programmes of regularisation and improvement of squatter settlements should be given priority.