Three myths about elections
By Asha’ar Rehman
NOW who are all these ‘winning candidates’ who, we are so told, have already landed in the next National Assembly barring a formal announcement on Feb 18? Some of these winners have to lose to keep our faith in the beautiful unpredictability of a few million expressing themselves in the secrecy of a polling booth.
Some of them have lost in the past. Each time this exception to the rule takes place, it is blamed on the individual’s wrong choice of party — after all, parties are made or broken by the public mood. This would in turn suggest that while individuals make a group, the latter is still much more powerful than the individuals who make it. This is as good a time as any for having a shot at the myth of winning candidates that belittles the very concept of party politics.
In the buildup to the Feb 18 election, the cries of the foregone are as vociferous in Punjab as they are anywhere else. While others also have their share of invincibles, most of these names belong to the Pakistan Muslim League of Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi who has fallen back on the old powerful-people nexus in his effort to get the prime minister’s job.
There is logic to it. Despite the mergers of the past and despite the presence of a leader in President Pervez Musharraf, the official camp is yet to gel as a cohesive party or a whole, what with the ex-chief minister Punjab pointing a finger at his prime minister in Islamabad over the current wheat flour crisis and some of the ministers in the Shaukat Aziz cabinet competing from platforms other than the Pakistan Muslim League’s.
The gap in the supply of some essential items just before the election perhaps makes it more incumbent upon the official League to try and shift the focus from the national to the local where it has nazims to help it out. The breakup is simple; the local powerful has no link with Mr Aziz’s blundering government but is connected by a common cause directly to the presidency.
There is no fixed formula how these unbeatables come about. In Sargodha, a certain Anwar Ali Cheema is poised to win as he has done by good margins over the last six elections. But the assertion looks rather premature when Khurshid Mahmood Kasuri, who is in the race for a seat from Kasur, humbly declares that he may also be counted among those assured of a walkover on Feb 18. Last time, this winning candidate scraped through by less than 1,000 votes and would have lost but for the fact that his party was in ascendance.
There is a whole list of similar local idols in the Punjab province — who go around as winning candidates as if untouched by changing realities and perceptions — for iconoclasts to try their skills on. A fulfilment of this ultimate wish will, hopefully, show us a way out of this wonderland of no surprises that we have so diligently created for ourselves through a mix of the aspirants’ statements and our own search for a black and white picture to serve to the craving public.
The Pakistani election discourse is steeped in a myriad of mythologies comprising not man, woman, the divine servants of humanity or the gods of democracy. It is made up of an assortment of good intentions, parochial interests, arm-twisting and outright dishonesty and naivety.
The first show lion that confronts the onlooker in the local electoral circus ostensibly suggests that we the people send our representatives to the assembly charged with the holy brief of improving our lot. This is fallacious. This is the second great myth surrounding the election.
At the outset, the belief is that governments and those who run them have become irrelevant to the situation in general. Even if you change the hands, these imported tools are so overpowering that they won’t let the proceedings slip out of their grasp. In their heart of hearts, Pakistanis understand what possesses this country of theirs and they know that a release is impossible until there is a change in the package from abroad.
While there may be an election battle and victors will emerge, this will have little impact on matters relating to the everyday life of Pakistanis — issues like shortages, law and order and health and education etc, even if you were to resign yourself to inflation as an unavoidable modern-day reality.
The helplessness of the current aspirants to throw off the yoke is manifest in their previous stints in government. The myth still is that people vote in these parties for a general improvement in conditions. Ask around and the impression would be that for a sizeable number of voters, it is not so much whether or not we deserve these leaders; the emphasis often is on what these aspirants to power have come to be seen to deserve.
As it votes, this group of people, by no means small, attaches no great expectation to the politicians and is only doing its duty of promoting and helping the deserving get what is their due.
This theory can be applied to voters falling in any economic and social category but it is especially true for the hopeless and non-lobbying kind who have little say in the making of policies and strategies and hence can afford to ‘waste’ their votes. This will explain why a huge chunk of the people who have traditionally voted for the Pakistan People’s Party in Punjab happens to be economically poor. They are not our analysts’ swing voters and have long sided with those who they perceive as deserving of their support even against huge odds.
The third and greatest and the most dangerous election myth relates to rigging and riggers. All great vote thefts are carried out in the security that perpetrators would be able to control any negative fallout of their actions. The basic premise is that unrest arising out of a poll scam can be controlled or if it comes to the worst, be crushed.
Quite often, the lust for election victory makes the riggers forget the lessons of history. Only 31 years ago, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto thought that he was popular enough to quell any eventuality arising out of the vote rig in 1977. He watched helplessly as the situation pegged on the accusations of poll rigging against his government spiralled out of control. The example holds to this day.

