DAWN - Editorial; June 07, 2008

Published June 7, 2008

Challenge for Shahbaz

THE Punjab that Mr Shahbaz Sharif has returned home to rule has perhaps undergone a bigger change than the man himself in the nine years that he has been away from power. There is little sense of deja vu for Mr Sharif; he will find few familiar faces today in the mighty Punjab bureaucracy that he can trust with carrying out his orders. Unlike in 1999 when he was forced out of office, Mr Sharif today is confronted with a Punjab that is not a PML-N fiefdom, and managing it will entail much more than streamlining municipal services or building roads, bridges and underpasses. The house he is set to lead stands divided between a PML-N-PPP coalition and a very vocal PML-Q opposition — at a time when lawyers are set to march on Islamabad. This means he will have to walk a tightrope to strike a balance between his party’s support for the lawyers’ movement and his coalition partners’ views on the issue. PML-N chief Nawaz Sharif’s absence from the country for the time being is also of little help.

Mr Shahbaz Sharif’s reputation of being an excellent administrator the last time round means that he will have to do a bit more than just live up to the people’s expectations. After the euphoria over his election settles, he will find even his supporters in Lahore and elsewhere asking for all they have been waiting for. Some sense of this was felt when, soon after taking oath in the Punjab Assembly on Friday, Mr Sharif acknowledged that the PML-N government had not done much since coming to power, and that he would be pressed to do better.

The challenges he faces today are many, not least the scourge of terrorism that Punjab had luckily escaped in recent years but which has now come knocking with a vengeance.

Mr Sharif’s statement to the press on Friday that as a chief minister his working relationship with the presidency will be such as expected of him under the constitution is reassuring. The same can be expected of his interaction with Governor Salman Taseer — whose appointment by the PPP was seen as controversial by the PML-N — as he is administered the CM’s oath at the Governor House tomorrow. It is hoped that as Mr Sharif takes stock of the situation, his rhetoric on divisive issues will be moderated and attention focused on addressing the problems confronting the people of Punjab. His reputation for being pragmatic is his best guide as he sets out to bridge the gaps created by the bad governance bequeathed to him. For this, Mr Sharif will need more prowess, persuasion and tact than he is known to have employed.

Enforce environmental laws

DISMAL implementation and not inadequacy of law is the crux of the problem. The Pakistan Environmental Protection Act 1997 may not be an ideal document and there is indeed room for fine-tuning as well as new regulations. But this landmark legislation does cover most bases and, if enforced in letter and spirit, could transform the state of the environment. The aim here is not to cast doubt on the good intentions of the Sindh chief minister, who on Thursday asked for a review of environmental laws. Many of the points raised by Syed Qaim Ali Shah are worth noting: more sector-specific legislation, countering the contamination threat posed by excessive fertiliser use, the need for functional environmental tribunals, and strengthening the Sindh Environmental Protection Agency in terms of staff and other resources. But no amount of money or personnel will improve Sepa’s performance until it is run and manned by professionals qualified for the job. There is also a need to pinpoint why Sepa is often unwilling or unable to take on wealthy polluters. The same goes for other environmental agencies nationwide. Is it simply weakness before the powerful or do other factors also come into play? Then there is the matter of the seemingly preferential treatment shown to some. The leeway accorded in the past to Fauji Fertiliser is a case in point.

As for the call for a review of existing environmental laws, proposals ought to be invited not just from government departments, as Mr Shah has suggested, but also reputable independent organisations involved in environmental protection. IUCN Pakistan, for instance, has already published comprehensive reviews of environmental law in the context of three regions and more are expected. These documents should be consulted. Moreover, PEPA 1997 is a federal law and all stakeholders must be taken on board if it is to be amended. This is not a job for bureaucrats alone and the expertise of organisations working in the field should not be left untapped. We can think of at least one provision that needs a rethink. As things stand, environmental impact assessments (EIAs) are carried out or outsourced by the firm or agency in charge of the project in question. To avoid conflict of interest, it is imperative the EIAs and other impact assessments be conducted by reputable independent organisations. When public opinion is invited, people are invited to a particular office to review an EIA. These documents would come under far greater scrutiny if they were posted on a website and advertised as such. But perhaps the intent is the opposite.

The world of cheaters

RECOURSE to unfair means during examinations is one of the unfortunate realities of life in our scheme of education. The ongoing HSC exams in Karachi are no exception where the number of cheating cases detected thus far is a staggering 2,350. With neither alacrity nor integrity being the hallmarks of our invigilation system, one can safely assume that the number of those getting away with it would in fact be much higher. As things stand today, there is an organised network of people operating in and around examination centres, promoting unfair means for reasons of monetary benefit. Since the relevant authorities pay paltry sums to individuals manning the centres, professional teachers often turn down their duties which are then taken up by non-teaching staff. This, in turn, leads to certain ‘facilities’ for those who can find the right palm to grease. Besides, officials quoted by this paper seem to be taking too much pride in the fact that all the cases detected thus far pertain to copying and not a single candidate has been booked on charges of impersonation — who, more often than not, are bailed out by pressure groups using their political clout. This in any case does not make the problem any less serious.

Needless to say, malpractices in examinations are linked directly with the rot that has undermined our education system. Who are the students who cheat? They are the ones who are not adequately prepared to be tested — this might be attributed to their own absenteeism or the failure of their educational institution to provide them good and regular classroom teaching. In both cases the fault lies in the system that allows students to get away with playing truant and tolerates schools/colleges that hardly function. Working out a mechanism to ensure attendance — both of the teachers and the students — will be a major step forward towards ensuring that students are actually learning something. Stricter controls in examination halls and better vigilance would also be needed if the menace of cheating is to be eliminated.

OTHER VOICES - Bangladesh Press

Slipping deeper into poverty

MORE people have fallen below the poverty line. …Since 2005, the poverty rate has grown from 40 per cent of the population to 48.5 per cent because of rampaging inflation. Mustafizur Rahman, executive director of the Centre for Policy Dialogue … revealed the shocking details in a programme on the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper. The PRSP has come to be known as a guide for poverty reduction in the country….Different development projects are taken up and guided by the PRSP. Many reform plans are drafted. Promising to ensure foreign funds, it is the darling of the NGOs. But it is not clear if there is any link between the strategy paper and poverty cuts. However, it can undoubtedly be said that there is no yardstick that is acceptable to all to define poverty. The level of poverty, hunger and malnutrition is rising. Research is not necessary to understand the … problems. Economists say inflation is to blame…. Food prices are the driver of inflation. Next is unemployment. Natural disasters and river erosion leave millions of people homeless almost every year adding to the problems.

The result is that the situation is worse for those who have long been living below the poverty line. Some programmes under the social safety net are just about keeping the crisis at bay — in some cases. We hope those who handle the country’s policymaking and foreign funds will stop doing contradictory things in the name of cutting poverty. At some point in time, they have to answer tough questions from the poor.

According to available statistics often cited by experts, 56.6 per cent of the population lived under poverty line in 1991-92. The figure came down to 48.9 per cent in 2000 and … 40 per cent … in 2005. Extreme poverty in rural and urban settings does not reflect the rosy statistics. There are some ‘charlatan cures’. Microcredit is touted as one of them. The reality is different.

It was found that 97 per cent of women who receive microcredit spend their funds on immediate needs … instead of projects for earnings. Microcredit lenders seemed more active when the poverty level was high. An important issue missing from the poverty reduction strategy is population growth….

The CPD executive director said the second PRSP did not mention the success or failure of the first. The second draft of the PRSP lacks clear guidelines on poverty reduction. Similarly, the central bank governor, Salehuddin Ahmed, had earlier said Bangladesh achieved the expected GDP growth, but it was not clear how much it helped to reduce poverty. And there is no proper assessment of microcredit’s role in poverty eradication either.

More people are out there … to cash in on poverty in the country. Their influence is spreading by the day. We suggest that the prime task of the government should be to help the poor out of hardship. Others can take care of themselves. — (June 4)

— Selected and translated by Arun Devnath.

EU Muslims: a change of mood

By Shadaba Islam


ACROSS Europe, Muslims remain in the spotlight. Most of the focus continues to be negative, with memories of 9/11 still souring the mood. The recent bombing outside the Danish embassy in Islamabad has further aggravated the already strained relations between Europe and Islam.

Or has it? While many people in Muslim countries continue to rage against what they view as rising Islamophobia in Europe — often using terrorism or violent street protests to vent their anger at perceived insults to their faith — a majority of Europe’s 20m Muslims appear to have opted for a more restrained, moderate and ultimately more sensible route: rather than protests, they are using law courts, newspapers and political power to ensure a balanced view of Islam.

The change of mood among European Muslims is reflective of a more confident and assured view of their place in society, increased political clout — and a growing determination to stop playing the victim and start acting as full-fledged citizens of Europe.

Significantly, also, European governments, which once cold-shouldered contacts with their Muslim minorities, are beginning to play more heed to their demands for equality and representation. At the same time, the implementation of anti-discrimination legislation is climbing up national agendas across the European Union.

True, the picture is not universally rosy. Many European Muslims still feel insulted by attacks on Islam, as represented not only by the Danish cartoons but also the more recent release of a film against the Quran produced by Geert Wilders, the Dutch anti-immigration politician.

Although this is the year of inter-cultural dialogue, Europe’s public mood is not conducive to rational and intelligent conversation on issues like immigration and integration. Fears about migration and the crumbling of Fortress Europe under pressure from desperate immigrants and asylum-seekers have made the mood even uglier and less tolerant.

Daily, politicians, sociologues and the media insist that Islam and democracy are not compatible, that it is difficult to be European and Muslim at the same time.

As Ziauddin Sardar said in a recent article in the New Statesman, it is not easy to be a Muslim in Europe. The public mood remains suspicious of Islam and Muslims, and politicians, including French President Nicolas Sarkozy, continue to talk up the threat posed by immigrants and the planned EU membership of Turkey. Many in the EU are seeking ways to ‘de-radicalise’ young Muslims, fearing an increase in attacks by so-called ‘home-grown’ terrorists.

Public perceptions are slowly changing, however, not least because of increased EU demand for both skilled and non-skilled labour — and also because, slowly but surely, Europe’s Muslim minorities are beginning to integrate, becoming part of the social, economic and political landscape of the countries they work and live in.

As a result perhaps of this integration and rising confidence, many European Muslims have shrugged off recent insults against their religion as just another example of Islam-bashing by hysterical politicians. In some cases, Muslims, like Christian and Jewish groups, are using blasphemy, defamation and other laws to challenge books and images they consider insulting while moderate Muslim leaders are making use of democratic channels to promote inter-faith understanding in the hope that it would end the demonisation of their religion.

Mostly, however, Muslims’ focus is turning from the defence of Islam to the uphill struggle to secure more political power, move up the employment ladder and — in many cases — gain renown as musicians, actors and artists.

There is certainly an urgent need for more Muslim minority representation in Europe’s corridors of political power. In France, for example, with an estimated five million Muslims, only one of the almost 600 members of parliament comes from a racial minority. There are none in the Senate.

However, a minority of the Muslim minority has managed to reach the upper echelons of power. Rachida Dati is the French minister of justice. In addition, the French cabinet includes Fadela Amara as the secretary of state for urban policies while Rama Yade is responsible for human rights.

The situation is bleaker in Germany, where ethnic Turks make up about 10 per cent of the population but hold less than one per cent of the seats in parliament. Minorities have even less clout in Italy and Spain, where immigration is a more recent phenomenon.

Even in Britain, often considered a European model for multiculturalism, politicians like Diane Abbott complain of painfully slow progress. Abbott became the first female black member of parliament 20 years ago. Today, she is among only 15 minority MPs.

Change is in the air, however, as young European Muslims become assertive in challenging stereotypes. Wire agencies recently carried reports of Hibo Abdull, a 24-year-old aspiring actress in Denmark, who is competing to scoop up the title of ‘Miss Headscarf’ in a pageant for headscarf-wearing women sponsored by state broadcaster Danmarks Radio.

While some Danes regard the hijab as a symbol of what they see as the inferior status of women in Islam, Abdull told Bloomberg News she believed her scarf should be celebrated. The contest is, of course, controversial: Some Muslim associations have denounced the pageant as an affront to modesty while Danish feminists say the headscarf is a sign of repression.

Meanwhile, an interfaith television game show, believed to be the first in Britain, in which Buddhist, Christian, Hindu, Muslim and Sikh contestants compete against one another for cash prizes is to be broadcast weekly from the London studios of the Islam Channel from mid-June 2008.

Abrir Hussain, who is producing the show called ‘Faith Off’, told Ecumenical News International, “I wanted to do something to promote good relations and bring a new approach to the interfaith debate.” The producers are hoping to show some of the similarities among religions rather than focusing on the differences, in order to promote better relations. The programme will be shown in 31 countries and also worldwide via the Internet.

While these and other initiatives highlight a much-needed improvement in inter-community relations in Europe, reshaping the nature of the debate on European Muslims will require sustained effort on several fronts — and action by a myriad of agents on the national, regional and local levels. Progress will certainly be slow but European Muslims are determined to make the effort.

The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Brussels.

Nepal: a twist of history

By Ameer Buksh Bhutto


ON May 28, the Nepalese parliament passed a declaration dethroning King Gyanendra and abolishing a 240-year-old monarchy, declaring the country to be a republic. This is how things are done when there exists an honest commitment and sincerity to achieve a certain goal.

Our awami government, on the other hand, has wasted more than two months doing nothing more than wrangling over whether the judges should be restored by means of a resolution or a constitutional amendment.

They have nothing tangible to show for all the committees they cobbled together and all their highly publicised meetings in Bhurban, Dubai, London and Islamabad. Far from dethroning anyone, our parliament does not even seem to be up to the task of striking down a blatantly illegal PCO. This is what happens when leadership is lacking and self-interest in the preservation of the status quo, courtesy the deal, overrides national interest.

Apart from the judges’ issue, there are other pressing issues that require the government’s immediate attention. Asif Zardari himself has said that instead of the restoration of the judges, the common man craves prompt relief from crises such as lawlessness, high prices of essential food commodities, power shortages, etc. Having identified these core issues, what has his party’s government done to tackle them?

The law and order situation is indeed very serious, particularly in Sindh, but it can be brought under control relatively quickly and with minimal expenditure. The law-enforcement agencies have to be cleaned up and made to do their job. It really is as simple as that. For instance, on May 13, the law-enforcement agencies conducted a raid in the kacha area near Naudero, where the Zardaris have set up headquarters at a Bhutto family residence, in Larkana district, and arrested three innocent haris in connection with an abduction case.

Less than a kilometre away was Sharifpur Forest, which is a government forest that has become a notorious safe haven for dacoits and criminals. They have set up a flourishing village there, with power generators for tubewells which they use to cultivate land and even issue fishing and woodcutting leases as if they own the whole area. The authorities, from the SHO level all the way up to the IG and chief minister, know and the local police have established friendly contacts with the criminals of this two-year old hideout. But no one from the law-enforcement side dares to act.

Also, on May 28, there erupted a severe conflict between the Shar and Khosa tribes over a land dispute near Lakhi Ghulam Shah in Shikarpur district that resulted in the killing of seven people. The police remained idle spectators on the sidelines, periodically pleading with the feuding parties to allow them to take away the dead bodies, instead of taking firm action to stop the bloodshed and arrest the culprits. Law-enforcement authorities refuse to intervene in any tribal conflicts, allowing wholesale murder and pillage, conveniently transferring the blame to tribal elders and sardars. How can law and order be restored if the law-enforcement authorities are afraid to confront the criminals and hide behind flimsy excuses?

Another issue that should have been addressed right away was the issue of the United Nations inquiry into the assassination of Benazir Bhutto. Procrastination by the government is unjustifiable. This delay has given rise to all sorts of speculation. People are asking whether this government has something to hide. Is there a shady cover-up afoot? Even now all we have is a statement from the government that a request for an inquiry will be submitted to the UN, but no such request has as yet actually been submitted.

People fear that as more time passes and the murder trail goes cold, the chances of the truth surfacing will diminish. All the people who voted for the People’s Party, primarily on a tidal wave of emotions and sympathy because of Benazir Bhutto’s assassination, must now at least hold the government accountable for this inordinate delay.

The first 100 days of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s administration are still the yardstick by which all new administrations are judged. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto too blazed a mighty trail during the early days of his administration to transform the face of a shattered nation and build a new Pakistan. This government has limped and crawled through its first two months in power. It suffers from administrative paralysis and indecision.

One day the by-elections are postponed on the instructions of the prime minister’s advisor, then a few days later, they are ‘un-postponed’. One day a federal minister announces the scrapping of the Kalabagh Dam, then the next day, in the face of a brewing storm in Punjab, even from within government ranks, he announces that the scheme has not been killed completely after all. One day Zardari announces that President Musharaf must go and the next day he approves a draft of a constitutional amendment giving legal cover to the president’s actions. This is a farce reminiscent of the BBC television series ‘Yes Prime Minister’.

To successfully tackle the issues the government is confronted with requires the genius and leadership of political giants. Who among their ranks qualifies as a giant? There are certainly no FDRs or ZABs among them.

The people of Nepal elected a parliament on the basis of issues and ideology that is now faithfully representing the aspirations of the nation. The people of Pakistan, by contrast, voted purely on an emotional surge without considering the merit of the individuals involved or their thinking. As a consequence, we find ourselves encumbered with a government that solely represents vested, foreign and self-interests rather than those of the people. Is it any wonder the ship of state is sinking? n

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