‘Pakistan, India must jointly fight poverty, illiteracy’
By Shamim-ur-Rahman
A prominent Indian poet and broadcaster, Professor Obaid Siddiqui, who teaches TV and video production at Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, believes that political and economic compulsions of the contemporary world have made it all the more necessary for the peoples of India and Pakistan to join hands to fight the common enemy – poverty, malnourishment and illiteracy.
Mr Siddiqui was talking to Dawn after the conclusion of a two-day international conference on the role of the media in the 1857 war of independence, organised by the Mass Communications department of the Federal Urdu University for Art, Science and Technology.
Prof Siddiqui said that in the age of globalisation and media explosion, it was not possible for either of the two governments to reverse the process of amity and cooperation.
“We must come out of the ‘enemy’ syndrome and benefit from each other’s capabilities,” he said.
Prof Siddiqui sounded more like a peace activist than a media functionary when he listed the advantages of treating each other as competitors and not the enemy. He said he believed that if both India and Pakistan accorded preferential treatment to each other and increased bilateral trade, it would automatically bring down prices and discourage hoarding.
He said Pakistan could also take advantage of the development of health infrastructure in India, besides importing basic raw materials used in the manufacture of medicine. He emphasized that both countries should decide that if there was a shortage of a certain commodity in one country, the other would supply from its surplus stock to discourage hoarders.
Mr Siddiqui, who started his career in broadcast journalism in the early eighties when he joined All India Radio as a programme executive and also worked for the BBC, talked about the phenomenal impact of the electronic media on the print media in India and said the electronic media’s proliferation had influenced the make-up and marketing of many newspapers, sometimes at the cost of information.
Mr Siddiqui claimed that the emergency imposed by Indira Gandhi was a testing time for the Indian press as it was subjected to severe restrictions. But even in those trying times, barring a few newspapers or journalists, the press by and large stood its ground and saved its reputation for posterity. But the situation changed dramatically in the early nineties to the advantage of the press, he said, adding that with the liberalisation of the Indian economy in 1991, in the wake of a severe balance of payment crisis and privatisation of airwaves some years later, the government lost the indirect control it had on the press.
With the establishment of the new economic regime, according to Prof Siddiqui, satellite television made inroads into India. Now scores of news channels are beaming in and out of India disseminating news and information even for those who cannot read newspapers. Satellite television further marginalised All India Radio and Doordarshan, which are still under government control.
“The most startling fact about the Indian media is that contrary to the general global trend, both new and old media are growing side by side and that, too, at a very enviable pace. Newspapers are recording growth in the number of readers and increase in their circulation; radio, which was declared dead not very long ago, is staging a comeback; TV is spreading its tentacles in all directions; the internet is attracting more and more users every passing day; and with the increase in the number of cellphone users, the number of people using the value-added services provided by cellphone operators, is growing fast,” he said.
“In a way, all these developments have enormously contributed to the freedom of the media in the country, but this is not the whole story,” he added.
Power through the backdoor
Realizing the power of the media, almost all big political parties and politicians are now directly or indirectly investing heavily in the media. For example in South India, there are TV news channels, newspapers and magazines which are openly and directly owned by political parties or politicians,” said Prof Siddiqui.
But for him the more worrying fact is that in order to increase their political clout and their bargaining position in the party they belong to, some big politicians are now heavily investing in media companies through the backdoor. According to Mr Siddiqui, professional integrity of all such newspapers, magazines and news channels is suspect, to say the least.
Ironically, though the increase in advertisement revenues because of the economic liberalisation is directly contributing to the growth of the press and electronic media in India, it has also posed new challenges to the freedom of the media in the country.


Tehelka’s friendship designs
By M. Ziauddin
Nawaz Sharif air-dashed a video clip of his pronouncements on Indo-Pak relations. Asif Zardari emailed his ideas on the subject. Sherry Rehman could not make it. There was no sign of Lady Nadira Naipaul. Even Aamir Khan was missing. And many of those who could make it to the two-day Tehelka ‘summit’ in London last week presumably to design a new friendship mode for India and Pakistan, as expected, delved in the past and indulged in point scoring. There certainly were a number of sterling performances as well. From the Indian side young Sachin Pilot, a member of Indian Parliament, stood out. And from the Pakistani side youthful Arshad Bhatti, adviser, youth policy, government of Pakistan, impressed.
Jaswant Singh, former Indian foreign minister who inaugurated the summit was a big disappointment as he set the tone of the summit by exhorting out-of-the box thinking while repeatedly falling back on the past. Ram Jehetmalani, former Indian law minister who performed the last rites on the final day, could not have been more patronising when he made a passionate plea to the Pakistanis to become true Muslims.
Mushahid Hussain, secretary general of the PML-Q, excelled in point scoring and Asad Durani, former ISI chief, was frivolity personified. While Mushahid’s weakness for one-upmanship caused him to waste an excellent opportunity to win hearts and minds, Durani appeared to want to joke his way out of his ISI past. The two found their match in Manish Tewari, national spokesman of Indian National Congress, and A.K. Doval, former IB chief of India. In fact Mr Doval was found losing his cool at the slightest provocation.
Personally I had always thought Kashmir to be less of a bilateral problem between India and Pakistan and more of India’s problem as vicious as the one Pakistan had faced in the then East Pakistan in the late 1960s. And I was proved right when I heard Farooq Abdullah and Mehbooba Mufti talk more about their grievances against New Delhi than about Pakistan or the cross-LoC militancy. The former chief minister of Indian Kashmir even took the former BJP government to task for inviting Musharraf to Agra after having threatened not to talk until Islamabad handed over the 20 people wanted by India. According to Mr Abdullah, Agra happened because of Washingtons pressure on New Delhi. All this irked a number of Indians in the audience who took the floor to openly attack the two for being soft on militancy.
Sartaj Aziz, former foreign minister of Pakistan, and Tanvir Ahmed Khan, former foreign secretary, were perhaps more candid in their discourses than any from the other side. Sartaj recalled how Kargil sabotaged what was going to be a meaningful move by the two countries to resolve the Kashmir issue. Mr Khan mentioned about some handwritten papers of Jinnah which the first Benazir government had unearthed and in which the Quaid-i-Azam had expressed, at a time when the partition carnage was still going on, his desire to establish common customs regime with India. Imran Khan used the occasion to reiterate his pet political themes but still came out as a man of peace.
Interestingly, film-makers, authors, artists and poets representing their countries on one of the panels spoke much more candidly and without hang-ups. From the Indian side, Karan Johar (film-maker) and Prasoon Joshi (lyricist) impressed with their ideas for future relationship. From the Pakistani side, Mohammad Hanif (journalist-author), Kamila Shamsie (author), Hasan Zaidi (film-maker) and Naiza Khan (artist) were outstanding. All were young, confident and displayed no phobias or fixations. They represented the new generation of Pakistanis who look at India with no animosity or suspicion but with a lot of interest.
To be honest the ‘summit’ was hardly a sensational affair. But Indias media sensation Tehelka which has set new innovative standards in investigative journalism deserves a pat on the back for having tried to crack the elusive case of Pakistan-India relations. And Tarun J. Tejpal, Tehelka’s editor-in-chief, and his team did a fairly good job of keeping things from sliding into the usual blame game.
It is in the interest of Pakistan to have good, normal relations with India. So, such conferences wherever or whenever they are held are to be welcomed and participated in actively to win as many friends as possible from the other side. That we indulged in cross-LoC militancy in Kashmir is no myth but a stark reality. That Pakistan was carved out of India is also a fact of life that many in India naturally still find hard to reconcile with. That the army in Pakistan has been calling the shots all these 60 years or so is also a reality from which there is no escape. So, if the Indians have some peculiar notions about Pakistanis it would be foolish to take refuge in denial.


