Presidential norms

SYED Yousuf Raza Gilani’s belief that the president and the prime minister should be from the same party to ensure political stability is not supported by Pakistan’s history. Benazir Bhutto had Farooq Leghari elected head of state when she became prime minister the second time, but that fact did not contribute to stability or to a greater awareness on the part of the political actors to observe the rule of the game and demonstrate a greater sense of commitment to democratic norms. Indeed, by invoking article 58-2(b), and dismissing a government which enjoyed the assembly’s confidence, Leghari only contributed to the political chaos that followed. Nawaz Sharif’s second term as prime minister led to the election of a person of his choice — in fact a former employee of Ittefaq Foundry — as president. But Rafiq Tarrar’s occupancy of the President House did not stop the drama that began with Sharif’s sacking of Pervez Musharraf as army chief, the induction of a new general as chief of the army staff, and the hijacking affair, leading to the army coup.

The truth is that both the president and the prime minister can ensure political stability less by owing allegiance to the same party and more by refraining from committing the mistakes which the presidents and the PMs did in the past — mistakes which not only led to their fall but spelled disasters for the country. The head of state interfering with politics in a parliamentary form of government is unconstitutional. Unfortunately, Pakistan has a long tradition of the president/governor general playing an assertive role in politics — the examples of Ghulam Mohammad, Iskander Mirza, Ghulam Ishaq Khan and Leghari immediately come to mind.

The man to be elected president later this week has an excellent chance to make a break with the past. The lodestar for him and the prime minister is obvious: both should stay within the limits prescribed by the constitution. This also assumes that 58-2(b) and other articles which have altered the constitution’s parliamentary character must be done away with, so that the president truly becomes a titular head of state. Shorn of these draconian powers, the president would be less tempted to intrigue and manipulate. As the symbol of the federation’s unity, the president must by his conduct up-hold the sanctity of the constitution under all circumstances and act as a father figure guiding the government. Finally, it is important for the opposition to realise the damage which the politics of vendetta and ambition has done to the democratic process, for quite often opposition leaders have felt no qualms of conscience about sabotaging democracy by asking the president and the armed forces “to do their duty”.

Shunning injections

IF a recent unofficial study in Rawalpindi is any reliable indication of the prevalence of hepatitis among the city’s population, it means that Pindi residents are up against a hepatitis prevalence rate that is double the national figure. According to this study conducted in August by an NGO through free screening camps for the general public established at several random locations in Rawalpindi city, 16.1 per cent of the people tested were infected with hepatitis B and C. On the other hand, initial data gathered from the first official nationwide survey on hepatitis prevalence carried out on the general population by the Pakistan Medical Research Council (PMRC) between July 2007 and June 2008 indicate that the national hepatitis B and C prevalence rate is 7.4 per cent, which is still high compared to the much lower rates in the West. Recognition of the severity of hepatitis prevalence in Pakistan, its spread and the adverse impact on public health, are already evident in the 2005-2010 Prime Minister’s Hepatitis Prevention and Control Programme as well as in the recent efforts of several NGOs in raising public awareness of this viral liver disease. The current effort by the federal ministry of health to draft a legislative bill on safe blood transfusion is also part and parcel of the national action plan to combat hepatitis B and C, both of which are usually transmitted through contact with contaminated blood.

While we must persevere in our efforts to treat the estimated 12 million existing hepatitis patients in Pakistan belonging mostly to the lower economic classes — a daunting task since the treatment is expensive and long — equally if not more important is educating the public about how not to get infected. According to PMRC, hepatitis is spread in Pakistan mostly through the use of contaminated syringes, while other means of contamination are through poorly or unsterilised surgical and dental instruments, and devices used in invasive medical testing, in ear and nose piercing, etc. Since injections are still considered in many classes to be an effective cure for many illnesses, we have one of the highest rates of injections per person per year, i.e. 13 to 14 injections, a rate which in practice would require 2.3 billion disposable syringes every year for safe injections for a population of 160 million. Since this is a costly proposition one can presume that syringes are reused without being properly sterilised. Therefore, getting the message across to the masses, and to healthcare workers too, that oral medicine is equally effective in treating illnesses and much safer too in terms of considerably reduced hepatitis risk, is the key to reducing the spread of hepatitis.

Impetuous decisions

ENTRY tests and Shahbaz Sharif go a long way back. He introduced them during his first term as the Chief Minister of Punjab. Now being used by almost all major public sector higher education institutions across Pakistan, the tests are meant to select the best for the limited seats that are available in the professional colleges. They are also meant to sift genuinely intelligent students from the mediocre who get through a leaky examination system. But there is no verifiable evidence if this is happening. Sharif is at it again. On Thursday last, he announced that even private medical colleges in Punjab will be required to hold entry tests for their applicants. There is scant little detail available on how this will work out. Will there be a single test for both private and public sector medical colleges? Or will they have separate tests? If there is a single test, how will the admission seekers be assigned seats in various institutions? The existing practice is to allocate seats on the basis of a college’s reputation rather than any solid rating. Private colleges have no recognised system at all. Will they agree to allow their prospective students to be tested by the government?

In Sharif’s personalised style of governance, these questions may be treated as irrelevant distractions. His minions are out to implement with indiscreet haste any fancy idea that catches the imagination of their boss and no questions asked. It may be exciting for people long used to official lethargy and inertia but it can be equally misplaced and entry tests for private medical colleges show why. After all, private education is more about choice than anything else. With entry tests being conducted by the government, the first thing that parents and students with money will lose is choice and nobody knows what they will gain in the bargain. Shahbaz Sharif will do better by ordering a detailed study on the efficacy of entry tests in government colleges before expanding them to private ones.

OTHER VOICES - North American Press

Obama’s challenge

Los Angeles Times

IN his speech accepting the Democratic nomination for president, Barack Obama had to negotiate a fine line. The throng in Denver’s football stadium was eagerly awaiting the eloquence and idealism that propelled him to the pinnacle of national politics.

At the same time, he had to counter the Republicans’ caricature of those qualities as nothing more than the callow charisma of a political rock star. That meant giving content to the campaign theme of ‘Yes, we can’. It meant moving beyond the crowd-pleasing anti-Republican slogan ‘Eight is enough!’ to provide an outline of the policies a Democratic administration would pursue in the ensuing four years.

To a considerable extent, Obama accomplished that feat. Some of the proposals in the speech were familiar: a rewrite of the tax code to benefit working families and small businesses and to end breaks for “corporations that seek to ship our jobs overseas”.

Some were surprising: an energy policy that includes “ways to safely harness nuclear power”. On foreign policy, Obama elaborated on his theme — which also has been lampooned by Republicans — of opening channels of communication even to hostile nations.

In addition to a familiar pledge to collaborate with other nations to combat terrorism, disease and climate change, he promised to “renew the tough, direct diplomacy that can prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons”.

Two familiar Democratic themes dominated the proposals broached in the speech. One is to use the tax code to redistribute wealth. The other is to leverage government spending to equalise opportunities in education and employment. Not coincidentally, these themes resonate with the ‘ordinary Americans’ with whom Hillary Rodham Clinton had such success in the Democratic primaries.

Many of those Americans no doubt reacted enthusiastically to Obama’s promises to close tax loopholes that benefit the rich and to eliminate waste, fraud and abuse in the federal bureaucracy. Others will wonder — we do — whether more government spending and a fairer tax code are enough to reduce income inequality or expand opportunities for workers who in a previous generation could count on well-paying jobs in the steel and auto industries.

Obama noted that 23m jobs were created when Bill Clinton was president — but they were not created by reconstructing the economy of the 1950s and ’60s.

In the campaign ahead, expect John McCain to ask Obama to prove that the journey on which he plans to take the country isn’t just a nostalgia trip. That will mean reconciling the Democratic goals of greater equality and a more activist government with the need to acknowledge and capitalise on a global economy. — (Aug 29)

Women in taboo territory

THE history of Urdu literature in the subcontinent is not very old. Though we find mention of poetry and prose even in the 14th century, formal books in different genres of Urdu literature started appearing in the 18th century. The initial phase of Urdu literature is generally silent in terms of female voices.

There are, however, some exceptions. First, there were women belonging to different royal dynasties who would compose poetry. Second, there were courtesans who exhibited great taste for literature and some of them actually wrote poetry. Both absorbed the social pressures of society for different reasons.

Female silence in mainstream literature can be attributed to a number of silencing factors. Women in South Asia were not given access to formal education. The only kind of education girls were permitted to receive was religious education which, in most cases, was confined to the recitation of the Holy Book. Women were restricted to their homes and going to school or working in office was unthinkable. Literature was not considered suitable for women. In this highly patriarchal system, writing literature was a taboo activity for women.

This prompted men to undertake the job of representing women. Interestingly some male writers used rekhti which implied the use of feminine language. Edward Said in his book Orientalism quotes Marx as saying, “They cannot represent themselves; they must be represented.” So some of the male authors started doing the job of representation by prescribing and telling women how to speak and behave.

Nazeer Ahmed’s novel Miraatul Uroos (Mirror of a Bride), published in 1869, was specifically written for girls/women for ‘correct’ and socially acceptable behaviour. It is the story of two sisters, Akbari and Asghari. Akbari is the older sister who is dubbed as an unwanted character as she follows her moods. On the other hand, Asghari, the younger sister, who is living in a joint family system, always tries to please others and in the process sacrifices her personal pleasures. This novel thus reflects the attributes of a good girl or woman.

Written on the same didactic lines but a more popular work of non-fiction was Bahishti Zevar (Heavenly Ornaments) by Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi. Maulana Thanvi was a famous religious scholar and this book was specifically written for women. The book being very popular was an integral part of a woman’s dowry. It was given by parents in Muslim families to their girls when they got married. This book gives a list of do’s and don’ts for girls and women. One of the items on this list was not to read ghazals.

The first significant female voice was that of Rasheed Jehan who edited a book of short stories with the title of Angare. This book that contained 10 short stories on provocative social themes was published in Lucknow in December 1932. The book created instant ripples in literary and social circles and invited unprecedented protests in religious circles. The book contained a story Dili ki Ser (The Delhi Experience) and a play, Parde ke Peeche (Behind the curtain), by Rasheed Jehan. Both works raised some basic but taboo issues with regard to the exploitation of women. The book was banned in March 1933 just three months after its publication. Rasheed Jehan whose bold arrival in mainstream Urdu literature shocked many was an MBBS doctor which was a rare phenomenon in the India of the 1930s.

Ismat Chughtai (1915-1991) another female voice that defied restrictions, belonged to an unorthodox family where there was space for girls to express themselves without much inhibition. She wrote short stories and novels and tried to challenge some of the stereotypes and wrote on themes that were taboo. Her short story Lihaf (Quilt), published in 1941 was banned on the pretext of obscenity as she touched on the theme of lesbianism. Her bold treatment of social issues in fiction was considered ‘unladylike’ and most school libraries shied away from keeping her books. Similarly, it was not considered appropriate for young girls to read her books.

Qurat ul Ain (1926-2007) made a rich contribution to Urdu literature through her novels and short stories. Aag Ka Darya (River of Fire) is undoubtedly one of the finest novels produced in Urdu. The novel, in terms of its scope, themes, diction and treatment, has been attracting readers and critics alike since its publication. Qurat ul Ain who was not feeling comfortable living in Pakistan decided to migrate to India. Talking of novels we find some great novels produced by female writers. For instance, Aag Ka Darya (Qurat ul Ain Hyder), Raja Gidh (Bano Qudsia), Aabla pa (Razia Fasih Ahmed), Dasht-i- Soos (Jamila Hashmi), Dastak na do (Altaf Fatima), etc.

The tradition of women writing some great novels in Urdu literature resembles the English literary tradition where female writers wrote some memorable novels. As in English literature, we do not find good women poets in the early phase of Urdu literature. One reason could be that poetry was considered socially undesirable for women to read and write. But as time passed and the pressures of society got diluted some important female voices made rich contributions to Urdu poetry. Ada Jafari came with an original feminine voice.

Similarly Kishwar Naheed wrote on some hitherto taboo topics for women. But the book that created ripples was Fehmida Riaz’s Badan Dareeda. It was a collection of poems that dealt with themes with a fresh perspective in a creative diction. The book led to a hue and cry, mostly about meanings which were not there. The writer was in self-exile for a long time.

Parveen Shakir became instantly popular with her very first collection of poetry, Khushboo. In her later collections, Sad Berg, Inkar, and Khud Kalami she emerged as a mature poet who would present social issues with the romantic softness of the Urdu ghazal and nazm. Parveen, an icon during her lifetime, spent an unhappy conjugal life that ended in divorce. She died at a young age in a road accident. Sara Shagufta was another female voice in poetry who wrote some unorthodox prose poems in an innovate style. Her collection of poems, Ankhein (Eyes) is a reflection of a creative genius. Despite the strong silencing forces, female writers came a long way and now they occupy a prominent position on the map of contemporary Urdu literature.

The writer is director at the Centre for Humanities and Social Sciences at Lahore School of Economics and author of Rethinking Education in Pakistan.

shahidksiddiqui@yahoo.com

Church’s get-rich message

GOD wants you rich, and as if to prove it His golden forefinger is pointing down through the stage ceiling at the Excel exhibition centre in east London.

This is the International Gathering of Champions, one of the largest worship meetings of Pentecostalists ever held in Britain, and the three-metre digit hanging above the preachers is a sign that they and the 80,000 who will come to hear them are, in the words of Deuteronomy, “empowered to prosper”.

It may seem like a Monty Python comedy prop, but how to get rich and then how to get richer is the message of this eight-day meeting of mostly west African and Caribbean Christians. In other words, the Bible is the business plan and Jesus is the financial adviser-in-chief.

The loudest amen went to a preacher who told a parable of an IT consultant who went forth and multiplied his salary by 10. Thousands cheered as the preacher explained how a young man with few qualifications started on GBP14,000 a year and wound up working for a Swiss bank on GBP140,000. “Get your calculators out, I know this is going to beep your horn,” the preacher yelled.

In tightening economic times it is a popular message, and the event’s attendance of about 12,000 sets a new tidemark for the fastest growing branch of Christianity in Britain. Already an estimated 300,000 people attend Pentecostal services every Sunday and the gap is closing with the Church of England, which welcomes a congregation that has fallen beneath a million.

At the Excel centre, the star turn is Matthew Ashimolowo, a 56-year-old, golf-loving Nigerian TV preacher and leader of the Kingsway International Christian Centre (KICC), Britain’s biggest Pentecostal church. Already he preaches to 8,000 every Sunday in east London, and his sermons are broadcast 24 hours a day on Sky and around the world.

The move follows a controversial period for the church. The management of the charity which ran the church was criticised following a Charity Commission investigation in 2005.

But despite the setbacks, KICC has continued to grow through its “prosperity gospel”, a “God wants you rich” philosophy that originated in Oklahoma and has spread throughout America and Nigeria. This week Ashimolowo claimed: “I have changed the landscape of the Christian church in the UK.”

The growth of Pentecostalism has attracted the interest of universities in Britain, Germany and the Netherlands.

— The Guardian, London