On March 7, 1971, when Z A Bhutto was holding a press conference in Karachi and Mujib was addressing a public meeting in Dhaka, national flags on all official, semiofficial and private buildings in Bangladesh had been replaced by Bangladesh flags. Mujib’s house hoisted the same flag.

A parallel government had come into effect. After the 1942 martial law in Sindh, this was the second parallel government in the subcontinent.

All radio and television stations in the province had been directed that all programmes should be aired in Bangla. Banks were directed to stop transactions outside Bangladesh; newspapers were asked to give appropriate space to Bangladesh and United Nations was written a letter that Dhaka be accredited as a member of the organisation. All educational institutions, courts and offices were closed. Worst affected was the communication system between the two wings.

Lawlessness had already taken over the province. Dhaka was the worst hit. Armed looters and killers roamed freely in Dhaka streets targeting every person they disliked. Mukti Bahini activists did not hide anything about their inhuman acts. Bogra, Chitagong, Sirajganj and many other small and big towns were ransacked and were virtually torn apart.

Yahya was perplexed. He thought that his announcement of convening the NA session on March 25 would calm down the situation, but it proved an illogical move as East Pakistan had gone so far away that a mere announcement would not have brought peace. Moreover, Bhutto had asked West Pakistan PPP MNAs not to think of going to Dhaka.

Time was fast running out. After March 7 and formation of a parallel government nobody had any hopes that Mujib would agree to negotiation. It was only a myth. Amid such hopelessness Z A Bhutto made a move that apparently was to delude the whole affair. On March 10, he sent a letter to Mujib conveying that Pakistan should be saved at any cost.

“I am prepared to come to Dhaka in a bid to find a solution to the crisis and the Assembly be allowed to work for constitution making”. Obviously, it was too late. Maulana Bhashani had already issued an ultimatum to the federal government to meet Mujib’s demands by March 15, which posed another trouble.

By then the “engineered press” had created a feeling that Shaikh Mujib wanted to secede. This had made the situation more shaky in both the wings especially the businessmen in the Eastern wing were despondent. Transactions from East Pakistan had been stopped and none knew how to survive — whether Bengali or otherwise. Awami League was the most to be blamed for creating this impression, it, therefore issued a clarification on March 13 negating the charge.

Bhashani’s ultimatum was only a day away. On March 14, Bhutto addressed a public meeting at Nishtar Park, Karachi. He reiterated that he wanted a united Pakistan and demanded that if the transfer of power took place before any constitutional agreement, it should be transferred to both majority parties of East and West Pakistan. Awami League sharply reacted to it, but Bhutto insisted that to ignore Pakistan People’s Party would mean that the opinion of West Pakistan had been bulldozed; however, he suggested that under a confederal system Shaikh Mujib should head East Pakistan while he himself could be prime minister of West Pakistan. This aggravated the already battered political situation and the general opinion said that a leader of Bhutto’s standing should not have come out with such a solution.

Nobody knew what made Yahya feel that the country would come out of the crisis with a handful of his aides and a group of political compatriots. As usual he stayed at the presidency till he was told that with March 25 approaching, Tikka Khan in his full gear and a parallel government already in action, he should once again attempt to bring peace on table. Irritating many, he followed the advice. Yahya arrived in Dhaka on March 15. He had also asked some political leaders such as Wali Khan, Mian Mumtaz Daultana, Nawab Akbar Bugti, Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo Maulana Mufti Mehmood and Sardar Shauukat Hayat.

On arrival at Dhaka Yahya became aware of the severity of the situation. From the airport to the President’s House everything showed what the Bengali wanted. At the President’s House he was greeted with Joye Bangla slogans all over. But the next part of the mission was absence of an agenda and intention of accommodation. On March 19, when Yahya and Mujib met it was all blank. No substantive talk took place. It was, therefore, decided to continue talks the next day. A more serious era was to follow.

shaikhaziz38@gmail.com