MOST readers will agree that violence should be given no space in our universities and institutes of learning. There is a long history of campus violence associated with criminal gangs and the ‘student’ wings of mainstream political parties.

Part of this history includes the banning of student unions and allowing select groups to operate with impunity. In more recent years, administrators of some universities have used strong-hand tactics to remove all such groups, in effect making universities a ‘politics-free’ zone.

The problem is that we have confused violence with politics, and many parents, teachers and students agree with these tactics. Let’s pause and consider: isn’t the act of preventing students from becoming politically and socially active members of society, of their own university communities, also an act of violence?

If you have been paying attention to the things that matter, you might have read about clashes including the death of an Islami Jamiat Tulaba student at Punjab University; faculty and student strikes at Sindh University Jamshoro triggered by the murder of a faculty member; killings and abduction of Baloch nationalist students and faculty in Balochistan University; and student protests at Quaid-i-Azam University. Each of these cases has an element of violence, but we must pause to consider the particular context of each before taking any action.

In a country where violence is pervasive, denouncing violence may appear ‘politically correct’. This fits well with liberal and democratic sensibilities. Violence from this perspective is defined as harm done to the body or property of other members of society. It is an illegal act; the response then is to identify and punish perpetrators.

In my discussions with many students, faculty members and university administration, this notion of violence as criminal appears as the guiding principle. In QAU the administration has resorted to pointing to and punishing the few ‘miscreants’. The students on the other hand are adamant that they represent popular sentiments and want a formal role in decision-making.

The problem appears more acute at the University of Sindh where the recent killing of a student follows the January assassination of Prof Bashir Channar. This led to a 42-day suspension of all activities. Concerned students, faculty and staff have been holding strikes and are demanding, among other things, the restoration of student unions. This is seen as a way to counter the influence of organised on-campus violent groups.

It is pointless to talk about Balochistan University in the same breath. With sensitised media coverage, we can’t even begin to imagine the plight of Baloch youth, students and teachers. Several teachers and students have been killed or gone missing, allegedly picked up and tortured by agencies. Most recently, three MA students of Balochistan University who were picked up from Quetta in January 2012 have suddenly reappeared — wrongfully accused of criminal activities and of supporting the Baloch Liberation Army. Students are representatives of society at large. Their views, behaviour and expectations are informed by the structures of power and inequality that surround us. We need to think about the broader issue of students’ right to protest, form unions, and participate collectively to influence academic and administrative policies. If we expect our ‘future generations’ to play an active role as members of a healthy and democratic society, can we deny them that role on campuses?

As a first step, we can broaden our understanding of violence and consider it beyond the issue of legality and criminality. Let’s consider another definition of violence — as the negation of politics.

(Wo)Man, as the old maxim goes, is a social animal. It’s perhaps even more accurate to say that (wo)man is a political animal. Politics in its simplest form is an act of speech — we talk, discuss, negotiate, take collective decisions and act accordingly. Violence is the negation of politics — the negation of speech, be it through lies, laws, fear, or the use of force.

This negation of politics is inherent in our legal and administrative institutions. The legal foundations were laid by foreign colonial rulers who routinely criminalised political dissent and used ‘rule of law’ as a tool in the hand of the oppressor. To this day, our state structure is influenced by the dictates of present-day colonisers, be it the military and or imperial powers. Terms like ‘miscreants’ and ‘troublemakers’ have been used against political activists to put down dissent and popular resistance. This is the broader context in which we should discuss all issues of violence, criminality and political participation.

The general state of affairs in public universities is far from ideal. Administration is a top-down affair. Our public institutions are being privatised and education is being commercialised. The goal is to churn out ‘skilled labour’ rather than learned and responsible members of society. The logic of ‘profit now’ dictates many of the decisions of an otherwise academic environment. Often this means the rapid expansion of programmes and intake of students, which results in strains on facilities and falling standards of education.

The fear that creating political spaces on campuses will result in the ‘politics of violence’ belies the extent of our limited imagination. Instead of criminalising politics, we must ensure that politics on campuses is free from criminal and violent influences. The students must be given a formal way of voicing their grievances and influencing policy decisions, lest their options are reduced to either joining violent and criminal groups or to completely abstain from political action. If we provide them with opportunities, they will respond. Added responsibilities will put pressure on them to be inclusive and look beyond their narrow individual or ethnic goals.

The threat of violence can only be countered by increasing political participation and collective decision-making. This is the only anti-violence and non-violence stance.

The writer teaches politics and history at Quaid-i-Azam University.