HYDERABAD, Oct 6: Representatives of the Hindu community have contested the figures presented in the Sindh Assembly on kidnapping of Hindus, saying the figure does not correctly reflect the situation as in most kidnapping cases the victim families do not involve the police.

The data contains figures reported from March 1, 2008 to Nov 30,2011 in which 143 minority community members were kidnapped and 116 of them were Hindus.

The figures have been brought on record by Sindh Minority Minister Dr Mohan Lal, but his community leaders who represent different organisations and forums contest the data. The community attributes the recent reported migration of Hindu families to such factors as kidnapping, forced conversion and extortion.

“There are two types of kidnappings: one for forced conversion and the other for ransom,” says MNA Kishanchand Parwani.

He refers to three kidnapping cases reported in Sanghar. “With such pace of kidnappings, who will believe that only 116 Hindus were kidnapped in three years?” he says, adding that since the Hindus are a weaker section of society, they are considered sitting ducks by kidnappers.

“When the government doesn’t have its writ, it can’t curb such crime which affects Muslims also. Since Hindus are weaker in society, they have to bear with such risks to their lives,” he says. “The point is of genuine representation of the Hindus in parliament as mostly parliamentarians represent their parties…They are not elected directly by their community.”

An independent figure of kidnapping for ransom cases of Hindus could not be obtained. Even minority community representatives do not have any such data. The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan monitors kidnapping cases generally without segregating them. The 143 cases are only those that are reported to the police through FIRs.

“The actual figures of kidnapping are much higher, but it is certainly our fault that we don’t have an independent confirmed data,” says Jai Kumar Dheerani, patron of the Young Hindu Panchayat. He says he believes that in most cases Hindus avoid reporting kidnappings. “They don’t want to risk the hostage’s life and settle it on their own by paying ransom,” he says and adds that the payment of ransom is the ultimate result for the community to ensure safe recovery of the hostage.

A ruling PPP member of the Sindh Assembly, who wishes not to be named, subscribes to his views. “The data presented in the house is not correct as the actual figure is much higher.

Our community doesn’t get FIRs registered. It’s understandable that when people are interested in securing safe recovery of their child, they will avoid taking police on board as it may threaten the hostage’s life,” he says, adding that only 29 cases of kidnapping of children were reported in upper Sindh, mostly in Kandhkot, Kashmore district, in three years.

“I’m confident that the real number of cases will be double than the actual reported cases presented in the house,” he says.

Hindus mostly dominate the agriculture sector in upper and lower Sindh. They have strong presence in rice, cotton and other agriculture-based business, including fertilisers and pesticides, besides owning rice mills and cotton ginning factories.

Eshwar Lal Makhija, president of the Hindu Panchayat in Sukkur and custodian of the Sadh Belo temple, maintains that if the government acts sincerely, Hindus’ issues can be resolved easily. “We don’t trust the police because they too are subservient to powerful men…..Therefore, we say that locally influential people belonging to different parties should be entrusted with the responsibility of taking care of us,” he says. For instance, if Khurshid Shah in Sukkur or Mian Mitho in Daharki is made responsible for protecting Hindus, there won’t be any problem. According to him kidnapping cases started affecting the Hindu community in the 1980s. “We accepted it as fait accompli, but it was then followed by the trend of young Hindus children’s kidnapping,” Makhija contends and says that there is a reason to it.

“Hindus are the backbone of Sindh’s economy as the community is business oriented. In cotton growing areas, we dominate the cotton sector and in the rice producing belt, we are in a sound position. When it comes to fertilisers, it is almost entirely with our community. The community owns 60 to 70 per cent of rice mills. So I see that due to forced conversion, extortion and kidnapping for ransom cases, it is an attempt to destroy us economically,” he says.

A senior police officer, Javed Odho, who hails from upper Sindh, says he believes that kidnappings of Hindus had been increasing in the late 1980s and onwards, but they now show a decline.

“The point is that while cases have declined, the hostage is now always a high-profile man. They settle for ransom quickly,” he says. The Hindus have made their presence felt socially and politically.

“When there is a kidnapping, they get instant response and help….They have a strong political clout and contacts with the relevant quarters,” he says. Until 20 years back the administration and police were not sensitised about such cases. “Police move swiftly due to the influence of Hindus and thanks to the fast-growing media. With such strong presence in business and politics, threat to their kidnappings has increased too”, he says.

Yunus Chandio, another police officer of upper Sindh, agrees. Muslims and Hindus are kidnapped without any distinction, he says. “It is true that ransom is paid and in 90 per cent cases it is paid. Hindu families don’t want police to go for an operation. So they tell us to continue our efforts and they use other channels to secure release,” he says. The issue with the Hindus, however, is that since they are engaged in business, they don’t like prolonging the matter and decide it quickly. “With police intervention, the bargaining position of the hostage’s family gets stronger and dacoits agree to as low ransom as possible”, he says.