INCOMPETENT handling of crises, often self-created, ought to be the major worry today as it poses a greater threat to Pakistan than any other challenge facing the Islamic republic. Alarmingly, this ineptitude cuts across almost all key institutions.

Just look at the present state of affairs. Agreed that the media, particularly electronic, may be hyping up the tension between the military and the government but any which way you read the army chief’s statement about his institution’s resolve to uphold its dignity there can be no doubt there is an underlying issue.

If the underlying issue was the Article 6 ‘high treason’ trial of the army’s former boss, without getting into the merits of whether it is selective in only having Gen Musharraf in the dock and not even debating whether the 1999 coup was the greater (legally) culpable sin, it would be problematic enough.

But it was elevated to a crisis level because of a certain ‘understanding’ reached between key representatives of the Sharif government and the military that once the retired army chief was finally indicted he’d be free to fly away. That this ‘understanding’ was there is lent credence by two facts.

The first is that after dilly-dallying for so many weeks, Musharraf, who had been in the military’s embrace (at the Armed Forces Institute of Cardiology to be precise), suddenly shows up in the special court, delivers what sounds like a valedictory speech, is indicted and is then whisked away even before the judges leave the court.

The court tells his lawyers it has no reason to curtail his freedom of movement while he faces trial. But also says he should approach the government and more specifically the interior ministry which first placed him on the infamous Exit Control List (ECL) to seek clearance for travel abroad.

As these dramatic developments are taking place in the courtroom, an executive jet (either hired or owned by the retired general’s brother in law) lands at Islamabad airport and is parked on the part of the tarmac reserved for use by the Pakistan Air Force. Why would the jet be sent to Pakistan if there was no real expectation of the former ruler’s quick exit?

It seems the government had tried to be too clever by half. But the court had other ideas. Key figures in the government may have extended the understanding to the military in the hope that the court would allow Gen Musharraf’s flight to freedom, leaving the government to claim the status of a helpless bystander.

However, the Iftikhar Chaudhry era judges are not novices at protecting the ‘dignity’ of their own institution and, I suspect, very capable of thinking through the political repercussions of their actions. The ball was whacked right back into the government’s court.

Suddenly there was panic in the government ranks. While the soft on mullah-militant-military Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khans and Shahbaz Sharifs of the PML-N’s world may have wanted a quick exit for Musharraf, other key cabinet members vehemently opposed any such move.

The opponents of any relief to the retired general wanted to ensure their point of view prevailed, blocking any possible backdoor exit, and took their case public. While some were articulating a principled position, at least one used language that the military seems to have found inflammatory.

The ‘mard kaa bacha bun’ gauntlet thrown by Railways Minister Saad Rafique may not have been picked up by retired Gen Musharraf but, it seems, the current chief of army staff did not hesitate at the challenge and hence his ‘dignity’ statement.

At the same time the military’s reported anger at Defence Minister Khawaja Asif’s speech made several years ago in parliament is totally without justification. In fact, the GHQ would be well-advised to listen carefully to the points raised by the seasoned parliamentarian.

But is GHQ capable of reflecting on its own shortcomings? I am aware of the risk of sounding like a broken record, saying the same week in and week out. But as things stand the answer will be sadly in the negative. Tragically, in fact, as the consequences are not less than catastrophic.

Writing in The News (inexplicably not front-paged again by the paper), one of the country’s most clued-in security correspondents Amir Mir says a message has been sent by the military to its long-term allies and protégés, the Afghan Taliban, to decide whether they stood with Pakistan or the TTP.

This reported warning came after considerable evidence of cooperation between the two emerged. I suspect like the TTP is doing via talks, the Afghan Taliban too will try and buy time. They’ll reassure Pakistan of support while waiting for the US-Nato drawdown to complete in Afghanistan to show their true colours.

Yes, the Mullah Omar-led Taliban may not seek global jihad, enforcement of Sharia but, as in Al Qaeda’s case, they have and will provide sanctuary to international jihadis. And who’d qualify better for their support than their TTP brothers striving for Sharia in neighbouring Pakistan?

The warning in itself is ample evidence that our strategic depth doctrine is in tatters now. The sooner we acknowledge this fact and stop deluding ourselves the better. The Pakistani state needs to assert itself and cut whatever ties it has with religious zealots if it has to survive as a viable state in the 21st century.

Is it a forlorn hope that we might still have what it takes to accomplish this?

The writer is a former editor of Dawn.

abbas.nasir@hotmail.com