IT can safely be said that we the citizens of the Republic of Pakistan are free to say what we like, we are free to write what we like, and the press is free to print what it chooses — we are far freer than ever before in our 59- year-old history (on this I leave myself open to correction).

Having said that, it must be added that I hope my editor will not give me the chop-chop. He justifiably claims it is his right to edit, which, whether I like it or not, I must concede.

Let us try to agree to a consensus on what vexes many of us. Firstly, what sort of a Pakistan was it that our Founder-Maker Mohammad Ali Jinnah envisaged ? Did he wish the state he was founding to be secular, modern, progressive and tolerant or a state to be ruled by mullahs with a divine mission? Can someone enlighten us, in grammatically and semantically correct language, whether it was his intention to create a secular state or a vast madressah? It must be recognised and accepted that there is no exact Urdu translation of the word ‘secular’.

In the Preamble to the 1973 Constitution, the Objectives Resolution, there is a sentence: “Wherein adequate provision shall be made for the minorities freely to profess and practise their religions and develop their culture.”

Our Supreme Court is housed in a beautiful commodious structure designed by a man of great renown, the famous architect Kenzo Tenge. It was officially opened sometime in the early 1990s during the tenure of Chief Justice Muhammad Afzal Zullah. In its vast entrance hall, on two of the walls was engraved in golden letters, in English and in Urdu, the Objectives Resolution, not the version used as the Preamble to the Constitution, but the one added by President General Ziaul Haq as the Annexe to the Constitution (PO No.14 of 1985) in which the word ‘freely’ was omitted from the sentence quoted above.

This was brought to the attention of Chief Justice Zullah, but it did not disturb the workings of his judicious mind. After him, to sit on the high chair as Chief Justice of Pakistan, came Nasim Hasan Shah whom I knew well enough to pester. He ended his agony by ordering that the letters of both versions be removed and the precious metal melted down. Which stands and the Preamble and ‘freely’ or the Annexe with that word omitted?

(It must never be forgotten that the sanctity of this Supreme Court was rudely violated when, on November 27, 1997, it was ‘stormed’ by the hoodlums of the party of the prime minister of the country, Mian Nawaz Sharif.)

Then we have the sighting of the moon on which our various high days and festivals depend. One year, in the days of President Field Marshal Ayub Khan, the high priests of the various districts of the country could not agree on whether the moon was seen or not and consequently two Eids were celebrated. The following year Ayub made sure that there was unity, that Eid would be celebrated all over the country on the same day. His generals all over the land were ordered to ‘persuade’ the local mullahs to sight the moon on the appointed evening. It worked, apart from one recalcitrant priest in Quetta who stood his ground and refused to spot the moon.

The general commanding the Division in Quetta marched the man up to the top of a hill and positioning him in the direction of the moon asked him, ‘Chand dheka?’ No, replied the man. The general wheeled him round 180 degrees and asked him ‘West Camp dehka?’ Oh, yes, said the mullah. Again he was swivelled 180 degrees and asked if the moon was visible. Quite visible, very clearly, “Dehka, dehka,” came the loud response.

Now we come to Minister Mohammad Ali Durrani, who holds a portfolio that should not exist, that is redundant, which involves a massive waste of money and manpower — the ministry of information. At one of the uncountable Iftar parties held during the past lunar month, presumably on behalf of the government of Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz, he informed the gathered feasters, “We will not allow anyone to criticise Pakistan, the integrity of Pakistan and the institution of the armed forces, as it is enshrined in the Constitution ...... Pakistan and the armed forces which are responsible for the protection of Pakistan are beyond criticism .... We don’t mind and we even welcome all sorts of criticism for self-improvement if someone criticises the government but our constitution does not permit any criticism against the army.”

Now, what does our Constitution say on the subject? “Every citizen shall have the right to freedom of speech and expression and there shall be freedom of the press, subject to any reasonable restrictions imposed by law in the interest of the glory of Islam or the integrity, security or defence of Pakistan or any part thereof, friendly relations with foreign states, public order, decency or morality, or in relation to contempt of court.” (Article 19)

Will Minister Durrani, if he can, kindly define the following, quoting the ‘authority’ he represents : 1) the word ‘we.’ 2) the word ‘criticise’. 3) the ‘integrity of Pakistan’. 4) the word ‘institution’. 4) What precisely is included in the ‘armed forces’ and whatever it is that is excluded. 5) The word ‘self-improvement’.

Would he also spell out, chapter and verse please, “... does not permit any criticism against the army.”

And the question we ask Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz : “How do you find these people?”

e-mail: arfc@cyber.net.pk