EVERY once in a while in a nation's history, it is faced with a defining moment in which its course is determined for years to come.

For Pakistan, this critical juncture arrived in the aftermath of the 1970 elections: a series of disastrous decisions by politicians and generals precipitated a bloody civil war which ended in a humiliating military defeat for Pakistan and the secession of its eastern wing. We were next faced with such a moment after the flawed 1977 elections: had Zulfikar Ali Bhutto immediately agreed to fresh polls, he would have denied the army an excuse to stage a coup and spared us a decade of Zia's crippling Islamization that haunts us still.

These are the ifs and buts of history, and historians will no doubt debate the fallout of those distant events for years to come. But the consequences of the September 11 terror attacks on America are much more immediate. While the world struggles to come to terms with those gruesome acts and their still murky aftermath, Pakistan was faced with its moment of truth immediately after the mayhem in New York and Washington just a month ago.

So far, General Musharraf has taken the right decisions and made all the right moves. Perceptibly, his resolve has hardened. This firmness was evident in the ruthless manner in which he rid the army high command of generals known for their fundamentalist views. By manoeuvring officers loyal to him into key positions, he has secured his flanks. Clearly, he could not keep people on his team who were identified with Pakistan's failed pro-Taliban policy. However, this spring-cleaning is also due to our intelligence agencies that have been propping up the medieval regime in Afghanistan: many officers have established close personal links with the Taliban leadership, and need to be eased out so that their organizations can better respond to the dramatically altered environment after September 11.

Changing a deeply entrenched policy is a bit like changing a large ship's course: it takes time for the bow to respond to the helmsman. For the last quarter century, Pakistan has been drifting away from the course of rational self-interest and basing its policies on ideological abstractions divorced from reality. When Zia boasted that he would make Pakistan "a laboratory of Islam", he was as good as his word. A series of failed experiments have pushed Pakistan toward financial bankruptcy and international isolation. From declaring interest un-Islamic to supporting the Taliban next door, successive leaders have done little but confuse and demoralize the nation. Sectarian and ethnic parties and terrorists have moved into this moral and intellectual vacuum.

Now, after the massive jolt provided by the events of September 11, there is a real opportunity to move away from the disastrous policies of the past. General Musharraf was clear in his recent impressive press conference that Pakistan's taliban policy would have to be abandoned in the light of the changed environment. This pragmatic approach was also evident in his acceptance of a possible role for Zahir Shah in the post-Taliban dispensation. The ex-king of Afghanistan had earlier been anathema to the Pakistani establishment.

It is this rationality and ability to call a spade a spade that distinguishes General Musharraf from his undistinguished predecessors. A leader must be able to spot dangers and opportunities, avoiding the former and seizing the latter. By aligning himself with the global alliance against terror, he has avoided the certain isolation that would have followed had he tried to sit on the fence. By doing so, he has taken on the fanatics and their fury is evident but containable. After years of being covertly encouraged in their madness by short-sighted members of the establishment, they feel suddenly betrayed.

But to put things in perspective, many of the contorted, bearded faces on our TV screens belong to Afghan refugees who are committing acts of violence in Pakistani cities. While Iran isolated its Afghan refugees in camps near the border, Zia allowed ours to go anywhere they pleased. Their presence in the major cities provides extremist parties with foot soldiers while injecting a further element of instability into our polity. All over the world, foreign nationals breaking local laws are deported. Why can't our vast law and order apparatus at least put disorderly refugees into camps far from the cities?

Pakistan's transformation from a backward and violent country of armed zealots into a moderate Muslim state will take time and political will. Above all, it will take strong nerves and an iron fist. But it is a task made easier by the knowledge that extremist religious parties have never won more than five per cent of the popular vote. The interior minister has been making well meaning but ineffectual noises about reining in jihadis and sundry militants. With the recent ouster of hard-line generals from positions of power, it will be easier to tackle these armed and dangerous groups.

But we must face the fact that without a resolution of the Kashmir issue, thee will always be a cause for homegrown terrorists to rally around. While the conflict may be a freedom struggle for Kashmiri militants, there has clearly been cross-border support by Pakistan-based groups. In the changed international environment, this kind of activity will be branded as support for terrorism and the Pakistan government will be held accountable for the actions of its citizens.

At Agra, General Musharraf showed more flexibility than any of his predecessors by accepting the possibility of a 'third option' - an independent Kashmir. India must explore the contours of a possible solution based on such a formula. For far too long have politicians, journalists and generals in Islamabad and New Delhi been locked in their respective rigid positions, unable to think creatively on this vexed issue that has held the entire subcontinent hostage, and cost untold lives and treasure. The Pakistani leader's recent telephone call to the Indian prime minister was an excellent move to break the deadlock. Both sides need to build on the progress made at Agra. Hardliners on both sides need to be reined in, and verbal hair-splitting must not be allowed to torpedo future talks.

Other steps are required to exorcise the spectre of intolerance that stalks the land. First and foremost, we need to reintegrate our sundered minorities into the mainstream. For far too long have they been oppressed and unfairly marginalized. The hateful system of separate electorate must go, and the controversial blasphemy law needs to be reviewed. Similarly, laws that discriminate against women should be repealed. In short, Zia's poisonous legacy must be shed if we are to progress.

A month ago, the world changed. For better or for worse only time will tell. Meanwhile, there are dangers and opportunities for all nations. Pakistan has made a good start in avoiding the former; we must now capitalize on the latter by returning to the comity of nations as a modern, progressive state where all citizens are equal before the law.