Benazir Bhutto's recent statements in India have predictably triggered a flurry of critical letters and statements in the press. Her new-found desire for peace between India and Pakistan has ruffled the feathers of pro-establishment types here.

But this brief blip aside, Pakistan's two-time prime minister (and perpetual claimant to the post) has virtually disappeared from the political radar. Similarly, the Sharif family was in the spotlight for a day or so last week only because the ex-PM's sister-in-law returned from exile in Saudi Arabia and embarrassed the government. Again, this intrusion into the public consciousness ended with Mr Shahbaz Sharif's wife and daughters being swiftly put on a plane to Jeddah.

This about sums up the extent of the contribution of Pakistan's two major political leaders to the public discourse in these critical days. While Nawaz Sharif has been prevented from sending us his pearls of wisdom from his comfortable exile by the terms of his deal with General Musharraf, Benazir Bhutto's support for the government has been qualified by her self-serving demands for an early return to civilian rule. Meanwhile, Muslim League rebels have distinguished themselves with their incoherent stand on this government's support of the American-led coalition.

The only politicians to be clear in their stand in this crisis have been the leaders of the extremist religious groups who have opposed the military regime's position tooth and nail. Even though we may disagree with their support of Osama bin Laden and the taliban, at least they have not waffled about it: in public rallies and statements, they have been vociferous in their condemnation of the government's policies, and their supporters have flocked to their banners.

Followers of our two mainstream parties (and sundry Muslim League fragments), on the other hand, have been confused and demoralized by their leaders' lack of clarity and coherence. There has been no attempt among our politicians to analyze the situation and give their party members a direction and a focus as the nation has attempted to come to terms with the momentous events next door.

Neither of the two contenders for power has in any way attempted to help the refugees who have fled their country in the wake of the on-going bombing. No discussions or seminars have been organized to debate the issues.

In other words, our two major political parties have been exposed yet again as redundant and irrelevant to the situation we confront today. While the MQM has been more forthright in its support for the government's position, its earlier bizarre boycott of the local bodies elections has marginalized it still further. Also, in a situation full of ironies, Altaf Hussain's condemnation of terrorism from his London home takes the cake for sheer gall. The British government's odd decision to grant him citizenship will no doubt serve as encouragement to others of his ilk.

Given the pathetic role of our politicians, the road back to democracy seems a bumpy one. Even before September 11, the Pakistani public was weary of its leaders.

Their endless scams, their self-serving histrionics and their rank opportunism had not endeared them to us, and this is why we accepted yet another round of military rule without protest. And now that the national and provincial elections are less than a year away, there is some concern about the return of the same discredited politicians.

So far, Benazir Bhutto is persona non grata with the military-led government, and Nawaz Sharif is unlikely to risk upsetting his Saudi hosts who brokered the deal sending him into exile.

In Ms Bhutto's absence, the PPP has retained its unity while the PML has splintered without Nawaz Sharif to hold it together in these difficult days. But the Muslim League has hardly ever been a party of the opposition, and its post-independence history is replete with shady characters running off with its name in their sleazy quest for power. This time around has been no different with the Chaudris of Gujrat being easily persuaded by the military rulers to ditch Nawaz Sharif.

As a reward, they were not put through the accountability grinder, and were given all kinds of help by the generals in the recent local body polls. It is wonderful how a whiff of power can change loyalties.

With the religious extremists in disarray because of the debacle of the Taliban and the mainstream parties either split or demoralized or both, General Musharraf is in a strong position to dictate terms and make the rules that suit him. And as he has declared his intention to continue as president well after the elections, it is clear that he is not going to be a figurehead. Chances are that he will be very much the dominant partner, exercising control over defence and foreign affairs while the elected prime minister looks after the social sector and the economy.

The latter, however, will not be the PM's exclusive preserve as the president will take more than a passing interest in the subject.

Under such a dispensation, it will not be long before tensions surface. Even somebody like Junejo, elected on the basis of a non-party election, found it difficult to toe the line. How much more difficult this cohabitation will be for an elected politician with political debts to pay off, constituents to satisfy and high expectations to meet, can be easily imagined.

The intention of this analysis is not to question the need for democracy. To me, at least, a democratic dispensation is the sine qua non of progress and decent government. The fact that our politicians have disappointed us consistently is at least partly due to the constant interference they have had to endure from the army and our plethora of intelligence agencies.

This time, it is certain that the military's role will be institutionalized, and it is possible that the system will be more robust as a result. But once clear prerequisite for power-sharing is that the army must be seen as neutral, and both major contenders for power should have a level playing field. Unfortunately, these conditions have not been met. There is a clear tilt towards the rump faction of the Muslim League controlled by the Gujrat Chaudris, even though the PPP has staged a dramatic turn-around after its shattering defeat in the last national elections.

It is high time our politicians showed us that they are still relevant to the situation and can make democracy work in Pakistan.