Over the years, I have written many articles condemning the sectarian violence and the institutionalized discrimination practised against minorities in Pakistan.

While the response of Pakistani readers has been mixed, most Indian readers, whether Muslim or Hindu, have argued that their secular constitution is a guarantee of minority rights, and many of Pakistan's problems stem from making religion the be-all and end-all of its existence. Given the rabid nature of our zealots and their leaders, as well as the sad plight of non-Muslims in Pakistan, I have had to hang my head in shame and agree with this criticism.

But in the wake of the horror we have just witnessed in Gujarat, I must say it is not enough to have a secular constitution: there has to be a consensus among politicians and citizens to make it work. In every society, there will always be individuals who break the law; in civilized nations, these criminals are usually caught, tried and punished. But when a sizable section of a society, led by its leaders and supported by organs of the state, transgresses and commits the most terrifying acts of violence, then clearly the code of conduct laid down by law and the constitution breaks down. The problem is compounded when no action is taken or contemplated against these people.

In a sense, the mosque/mandir crisis in Ayodhya is entirely of the BJP's making. When it was in the opposition, it saw an advantage in egging on its extremist supporters into destroying the historic 16th century mosque. Now that it is in power, it is having to oppose the construction of a mandir on the disputed spot. But putting the jinni back into the bottle is proving to be a difficult task, specially as a viciously Hindu-nationalist party is ruling Gujarat, and is more than willing to take on New Delhi and the Supreme Court in its determination to gain favour with extremist elements.

If the religious right succeeds in its designs to construct a mandir on the disputed land in Ayodhya - and elements of the temple have been pre-fabricated nearby - then it will be a permanent blot on India's claim to secularism. Muslims, already traumatized by the violence they have recently been subjected to, will be further embittered. More than the scale and organization of the attacks by Hindu groups, what was perhaps more shocking was the participation of the police in these acts. Instead of investigating the attack on the train in Godhra that left 60 Hindu activists dead, the police pointed out Muslim houses to frenzied mobs and joined in when the butchery began.

It would be sad if this ghastly chain of events were to seriously erode the secular edifice modern India's founders worked so hard to erect. Many Indians are justly proud of this achievement, and are deeply embarrassed by the crude words and actions of people like L.K. Advani, the Indian home minister who, on arriving recently in Gujarat, announced that action would be taken against the (Muslim) perpetrators of the train attack without saying a word about those Hindus who have massacred hundreds of Muslims. But despite the BJP's recent electoral setbacks, it does not appear that the tide of religious extremism is subsiding.

In much of the world where religion exercises a strong influence, unscrupulous politicians use it to further their narrow ambitions, thereby letting loose passions that become difficult to control. The killing frenzy that accompanied the partition of the Indian subcontinent is a grim reminder of the destructive power the exploitation of blind faith can unleash. And once Pakistan was created in the name of religion, there was no way politicians and religious leaders would not use Islam to achieve and retain power. India, taking a different route, has found that having a secular constitution is not necessarily enough to achieve the separation of religion from politics.

But the current crisis should not detract from the genuine integration of Muslims into the fabric of Indian society over the last half-century. It is true that the post-Partition generation was confused and demoralized: it felt abandoned and vulnerable, and much of its loyalty was with Pakistan. Refusing to learn Hindi and adapt to the changed circumstances, it remained aloof from the mainstream, and became largely marginalized.

Partly as a result of their own attitude, and partly due to prejudice, Muslims were often discriminated against. This has changed over the years as the younger generation now identifies with India, and has little time or sympathy for a Pakistan that is perceived as increasingly dysfunctional. They may cheer a Pakistani victory on the sports field, but no longer consider migration to Pakistan an option.

In Pakistan, the small religious minorities pose no political threat and apart from being largely marginalized, are seldom subjected to the kind of brutal pogrom the Muslims of Gujarat have undergone recently. Instead, militant Sunni groups have sought to cow down the Shia minority through a series of murderous attacks. The recent slaughter of ten Shias praying in a mosque in Rawalpindi underlines the danger posed to society by sectarian politics. Over the last few years, literally hundreds of Shias have been killed; doctors have been specially targeted.

Ironically, the spread of education in the subcontinent has done nothing to reduce religious and sectarian hatred. Indeed, most of those killing the innocent in the name of their respective faiths are literate, if not educated in the proper sense of the word. Contrast this with the relative tolerance that has marked inter-faith relations in South Asia in much of the last millennium.

Despite the wars of succession, conquest and plunder that took place, there were no religious wars at a time when Europe was being devastated by the great doctrinaire conflicts of the era. Both Muslim and Hindu rulers and the ruled displayed a remarkable sense of pragmatism and tolerance that are missing today.

How are these religious fires to be extinguished? Surely it should be possible to make it a criminal offence to preach hatred against another community, and disqualify politicians who seek to curry support in the name of religion. It is true that we are better at making laws than implementing them, but unless both India and Pakistan can control the rise of extremism, they risk being distracted from the main task of nation-building that requires the urgent attention of their rulers. Obviously, the task is more pressing for Pakistan, but as we have just seen in Gujarat, it cannot be ignored by India.