Under the vast Ottoman Empire, remarkable, diverse, and tolerant societies of Jews, Christians, and Muslims flourished for four centuries. Think of Salonica and Symrna.

However, the Ottoman Empire's defeat in World War I at the hands of the Allies threatened the Islamic Caliphate, generating dismay and anger among the Muslims of British India.

In 1918 the Muslims of British India launched the Khilafat movement, ostensibly to save Ottoman Turkey from division at the hands of the victorious Allies.

Pan-Islam in British India, M. Naeem Qureshi's deeply-researched book, illustrates the history and politics of the Khilafat movement. It also, at the same time, reminds us that the present-day reality of the exploitation of religion for political gain also has a history of its own.

The objective of the book, in the words of its author, is 'to understand the interaction of religion and politics in the Indian environment more thoroughly than hitherto attempted.'

Instead of focusing on the Khilafat movement from the religious angle only, or rooting it only in nationalism, the author focuses on the Khilafat movement 'on an all-India canvas as a discourse in political ebb and flow', while keeping pan-Islam 'the pivotal motif throughout' the narrative.

Though the Khilafat movement was born of pan-Islamic fervour, the author cautions against viewing it as a mere exercise in romanticism, or even altruism. As he says, the Khilafatists 'were pursuing the salvation of Muslim sovereignty and power abroad and, with it, the security of the Muslim community in India'.

To reinforce his argument he reminds readers that in its December 1918 session, the All-India Muslim League had expressed concerns about the adverse political effect the collapse of the Ottoman Empire would have on the Muslim community in India.

Since the proponents of the Khilafat movement wanted to acquire a broad base to agitate, they decided to exploit Muslim religious sentiments to acquire wider support. Mohammad Ali, one of the main leaders of the Khilafat movement, is reported to have said 'We can reach [the] mob only through religion.'

Qureshi credits Abdul Bari, an alim and a Sufi pir from Lucknow's Farangi Mahal madrassah, for 'imparting religious colour to a political movement'. The author points out that the two Ali brothers, Mohammad Ali and Shaukat Ali, were Abdul Bari's 'favourite disciplines'.

But it was initially the Indian Muslims living in Britain, such as Mushir Kidwai, who had, according to Qureshi, urged ulema such as Abdul Bari to action and 'nurtured' the Khilafat movement in its early stages. However, as the movement became 'increasingly radical', the moderates such as the Aga Khan and Syed Ameer Ali became more cautious.

As the professed aims of the Khilafat movement contradicted the nationalistic aspirations of the Turks and Arabs, there is, the author points out, 'no evidence of any overt expression' of support from them. In fact, the Turks and the Afghans exploited the Khilafat agitation in British India to their own political advantage the former in regard to their foreign policy; the later, under the leadership of Amanullah, to secure Afghanistan's independence from the British.

Mohandas Gandhi joined the Khilafat movement at an early stage even though Congress approval came much later.

Though the Khilafat movement was born of pan-Islamic fervour, the author Naeem Qureshi cautions against viewing it as a mere exercise in romanticism, or even altruism.

Despite this co-habitation between the supporters of pan-Islam and mainly Hindu Congress, the Khilafatists failed to mobilise the whole of British India, or influence British policy.

While Lloyd George, the British prime minister, dismissed the Khilafat movement as 'fictitious' agitation, the government of India adopted 'a policy of non-interference where it was useful and a measure of repression where it was effective.'

The Khilafat movement failed to achieve its professed objective, namely, the perseveration of the Caliphate after the defeat of the Ottomans at the end of World War I. Mustafa Kemal abolished the Caliphate in 1924.

But, as Qureshi argues, 'pan-Islam, even though it proved chimerical in the end, played a central role in mobilising Indian Muslims for mass politics and in so doing contributed decisively to the development of Muslim nationalism in the long run.'

Pan-Islam in British India was originally published 10 years ago. The publication of a revised and updated edition incorporating new material is welcome. Clearly written, detailed and omniscient, it is an enormous work of scholarship with extensive notes and numerous footnotes. The glossary and biographical notes help keep track of the story.

Despite the absence of the element of great storytelling from the narrative it is an important book which needs to be read, but neither quickly nor casually. Take the time.

Pan-Islam in British India The politics of the Khilafat Movement 1918-1924

By M. Naeem Qureshi

Oxford University Press, Karachi

ISBN 978-0-19-597904-6

Pp. xxvi + 572, Rs995