MUSHARRAF’s return at a time when the dice is fully loaded against him has bewildered many. Some of the explanations advanced by analysts are: inflated ego, ambition, self-conceit, swagger and foolhardiness.
They may well be right, wholly or partly. However, there may be another explanation. Musharraf could choose to let go, take no risks and banish himself in self-exile indefinitely, without worrying that one-sided views against him would crystallise in public memory and he would have no chance to retrieve his image.
The other option was to fight it out and risk accountability, incarceration and uncertain future, hoping to come out unscathed. After all, in not too distant a past, Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif had managed to achieve such a result after their share of troubles. Our legal system being as it is, none of the allegations was proved against them beyond reasonable doubt, and they are back in business, ruling the roost.
This was a good time for return as all his direct and indirect collaborators as well as detractors are alive, healthy and active, some of them occupying important positions, though not saintly in public perception. Their presence is less of a risk and more of an opportunity.
The poor performance of the PPP regime had also opened a window of opportunity. Quite a few Pakistanis have started missing Musharraf’s time, being much better.
As a result, most of the populace is now either indifferent to Musharraf’s fate or, in fact, a little sympathetic. They are more focused now on exacting revenge from the PPP and its collaborators for their acts of commission and omission. This may help Musharraf tide over his current difficulties and remain relevant in national politics.
This may be overoptimistic, but not altogether wrong. Time cools tempers and changes perceptions. When Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was deposed and later hanged in 1979, there were millions of Bhutto and PPP haters who rejoiced. Today, however, his name is mentioned with some respect even by his erstwhile haters.
Whatever be Musharraf’s motivation and howsoever mistaken he may be in his assessment, he has made a courageous choice. He came to contest elections, face and controvert charges against him, say his side of the story and hope to make a comeback in democratic electoral politics.
His return may prove to be a testing time not only for him but also for his accusers, detractors and collaborators because they too carry baggage from the past and the accused has legal rights.
A large number of accused are in the political game today notwithstanding the demanding requirements of Articles 62 and 63 of our cnstitution and public perception about their crimes. This is how our system functions or malfunctions.
M. H. ASIF Islamabad
Commission report
IT appears that the Lal Masjid commission report has been prepared with preconceived ideas. What we need to remember is that Maulana Aziz tried to establish a state within a state. The capital city was virtually paralysed, while students of Jamia Hafsa went round establishing their own version of Sharia.
The government of our only real friend was greatly upset over the treatment of its citizens in Islamabad by the students of Hafsa.
The siege lasted for months and everybody was concerned over the lack of action on the part of the government. What were the piles of sophisticated arms doing in a madressah? Actions of Maulana Aziz and his followers were giving a bad name to Islam, in general, and Pakistan, in particular. Loss of precious lives in the conflict is regrettable but in such a situation it is inevitable.
I am a practising Muslim myself but do not like to see the use of force in establishing Sharia. Islam is a religion of tolerance and peace, and all those using force are doing disservice to it.
S.H. JAFAREY Karachi
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