Will Iraq liberate America?

A young American woman is dragging a naked man who is on the floor and tethered to a leash like a dog. No, sir, the image is not from Larry Flint's sex magazine Hustler or some perverted sadomasochistic fantasy of a late night adult show. This is Lynndie England, a young soldier in the US military, posing for what we now know was the "softening of prisoners" for investigation.

But this was not an individual act. The world has seen many more grotesque scenes of layers of human flesh intermingling or piled atop each other with US soldiers casually inspecting or passing by as if the whole picture was uninterestingly routine. We now know that there are hundreds of more images and some videos that show grotesque scenes of forced masturbation, sodomy and rape.

The Guardian asserted with the help of sources inside the military that sexual jibes and degradation along with stripping the prisoner naked is one of the methods taught on both sides of the Atlantic conforming to the slogan, "prolonging the shock of capture". The report compiled by General Anthony Taguba asserts that at least some of the tactics in Iraq were imported from Guantanamo Bay prison.

All this speaks of a well-rehearsed policy, the kind which can seldom be followed without the direct or at least tacit approval of the high ups in the chain of command. But can anybody important be punished? During the Senate hearings, General Schoomaker, chief of staff of the US army, kept on warning that any unmeasured response towards the accused would demoralize a wartime army. This caution is being reflected before the trial to be held in Baghdad from May 19.

Rape and sexual abuse are tools and expression of unbridled power and all imperialists have used them to humiliate a conquered people, to break their spirit and to structure a new moral order upon the debris of their honour. Thus photographs published in the Daily Mirror and showing British soldiers urinating on the Iraqi prisoners make immense sense.

But what makes Americans different today is that they refuse to see themselves in this light. Despite all evidence to the contrary, they still insist on defining themselves in Iraq as liberators. This is precisely why the debate that has been sparked inside America, the responses it offers and the direction it takes will influence the kind of Iraq that will ultimately emerge.

Two aspects of the American response are important. One, the "denial" which maintains that such actions are the work of a few bad apples and do not in any way reflect on the larger attitude of the American forces. The second relates to the dimension of the debate. Though often projected as sensitive to global impressions the debate appears to be an in-house matter - a conflict squarely inside the American consciousness.

It is true that the liberal press, its columnists and editors and the lawmakers on the democratic fringe have demanded in the strongest possible terms Rumsfeld's resignation and a thorough investigation into what they consider a systemic practice. But don't generalize it for America; listen carefully and read in between the lines and a different picture will emerge.

After 9/11 almost everyone of any importance in the Islamic world condemned the terrorists in the strongest possible terms. They said it was not Islam; these few psychopaths did not represent the one billion Muslims of the world. However, many western observers complained - and rightly so - that the great majority of Muslims did not openly condemn the attacks on the twin towers. Many said in private that the Americans deserved the "bloody nose". After all, what had they been doing in Palestine and the Middle East?

Now listen to what the Americans are saying. During the six-hour hearings in Congress, almost all senators and congressmen, with the exception of a few, harangued endlessly on the theme that this was not American, this did not represent their values, and that this was an aberration - the work of few bad apples who would be punished.

Many senators, mostly Republicans, spent most of their time pouring lavish praise on Mr Rumsfeld, his leadership and the military, and asked deliberately dumb questions to divert attention from the real issues at hand. Even a liberal like Mr Liebermann lectured that nobody had apologized to them for 9/11 and other atrocities. One wonders what the parallel is between the work of obscure, hidden terrorists and the soldiers of the world's most powerful expensive and supposedly disciplined military?

President Bush chose to speak on two Arabic channels - the US paid Al Hurra and Al Arabiya - but was advised that an explicit apology to the Arabs would be politically expensive back at home. And when he did apologize the following day, he sent ripples of disappointment across small-town America.

Mr Rumsfeld took an interesting position: he said he took full responsibility for what had happened but did not offer his resignation.

A Washington Post-ABC poll later found out that 70 per cent of the Americans did not favour the Rumsfeld resignation, 60 per cent thought that the abuse consisted of a few isolated incidents and 50 per cent were satisfied with the president's war performance. Anchors on Fox TV kept on reminding the public that worse had happened under Saddam. Even the BBC kept on showing a video of beatings under Saddam to offer a helpful contrast.

And the residents of Cumberland, Virginia, hometown of the 372nd military police company responsible for Abu Ghraib prison, argued that these images were nothing compared to what happened to the Americans in Fallujah and that the Bible said: "an eye for an eye".

So what are we seeing here? Barring a minority of sophisticated opinion in the Washington Post or New York Times, the great majority of American sympathy or apology might actually be just a politically correct response. After all, it is not easy to support what you see in these images. And these photos have disturbed the smooth picture of the liberation of Iraq; but these things do happen; so what?

An interesting question is: to whom does the picture of war matter? Could the sexual humiliation in Abu Ghraib have come as a real surprise to the Iraqis and other Arabs? The media works well when the target audience is at some distance from the event. Iraqis, who live inside the crater of war, know and feel things through shared experiences and sufferings.

On the streets of Baghdad, an alabaster statute was being sold with the inscription, "We are living American democracy." The statue was a 15-inch structure of a naked Iraqi man, crouching on his knees, with his hands tied behind his back and his head covered by a hood. This was made more than two months ago. The sculptor, Abdul Karim Khalil, insisted that the pictures of sexual abuse did not surprise him or his colleagues at all. He knew better.

Much has been made of the American whistleblower but no one realized that when General Taguba compiled his findings or when CBS disclosed the rot it only shocked the Americans and the Europeans because it interfered with their view of themselves. To the Iraqis and Arabs, to the local media and to the Red Cross, it was a mere confirmation of what they already knew.

Once again, the truth mattered little if there were no photographs to prick the American conscience. This is frightening and brings me back to my second observation. All debate about the good or evil of war takes place in the internal amphitheatre of the American mind -- other venues don't count.

Whatever support or sanction this war had was given by five Anglo-Saxon societies and Israel. The rest of the world - the Islamic countries, France, Russia, China and India - was either against or indifferent to the war. So Iraq's invasion is testimony to the fact that the opinion of the world at large does not matter.

This war was sold on the pretext of weapons of mass destruction, human rights and democracy. Few bought that although the war pulled in those who wanted to develop Iraq as a strategic staging ground for further "creative destruction" in the Middle East and those who thought it important to secure oil supplies in the wake of impending changes in this region.

The weapons were never found; America's democracy project looks increasingly shaky and the sexual abuse scandal has stripped the mask from the face of human rights. Now like the helpless prisoners in Abu Ghraib what we are left with is a naked bony skeleton of an imperialist order trying to hide itself under the sheath of the United Nations.

President Bush and the people around him never stop talking of the need for winning "the battle for hearts and minds" in the Muslim world. In reality, the only "battle for hearts and minds" that matters to the Muslims, and to the world at large is the one that is being fought inside the United States. And recent events for the first time have touched the soul of America.

If the American people got rid of those like Rumsfeld, Ashcroft and Cheney along with their president there may be some glimmer of hope for the future. If the struggle of the people of Iraq changes the hearts and minds of the American electorate then it will be a victory not only for the people of Iraq but for the whole blue planet. America will still be in Iraq but with different goals and a different vision.

Disorder undoing the development

Focusing on Karachi's current mood, let me get straight to the point that most of us may not have noticed the swift and successful manner in which the people at the funerals procession of the MMA workers on Thursday afternoon ducked for cover when the crowd was shot at. I am impressed by the photographers, who clicked without ducking amid the firing and no one snatched their cameras as was the case when Shahbaz Sharif's arrival was tried to be captured through the lense.

In a way, these photographs reflect the mood of the city, a battle for survival against the odds that appear to be growing, and to such an extent that one political party has accused another of trying to "convert Karachi into another Baghdad, Kabul or Tora Bora." The very thought makes one shiver. But that is the way it sounds, and often the harsh and rigid stance that leaders, decision makers and politicians take when they are pitted on TV channels, reflects the bitterness at heart. Or else there wouldn't be the kind of lawlessness, violence and terrorism, that we have. There is much to mourn, citizens.

One writes this column on a depressing Friday evening, after the city has seen yet another strike, where business and trade almost shut and the attitudes to work were poorer and lower still. Keeping in mind that the situation in the city is both volatile and uncertain, it is hard to be sure about in what kind of a context these lines would be read.

The city could be amazingly normal, even though the calm would be uneasy, rather deceptive. Bear in mind what the United States said on Thursday that "recent bombings in the cities of Quetta, Karachi and Gwadar, as well as sectarian and political violence were evidence of Pakistan's volatile situation." Let me mention in passing that the security measures taken near the US consulate-general on the Abdullah Haroon Road and sudden closures of that road, in a way mirror the prevailing situation.

There are also other roads that get closed without warning, like those near the Governor's House, Chief Minister's House or near the Karachi Press Club, which reflects the intensity of street protests.

In a way, this particular spell of fear and violence began on Friday last (May 7), which set in motion the climate of anxiety and fear. What next? citizens ask in confusion when they hear of the suicidal bomb blast at the Hyderi mosque, inside the premises of the Sindh Madrassahtul Islam, and that too during the prayer congregation.

It seems to be getting worse, steadily remark those who have watched in disappointment the way in which this city has seen a rise in intolerance and impatience and for a variety of reasons, that at times seem inexplicable and mysterious.

Now look at the state of the city in the last week- May 7 to May 14- keeping in mind the heat wave that was on. The mosque blast, which claimed 14 lives in a single day, sparked off widespread violence; petrol pumps and vehicles were torched and a bank was set on fire. The details are known.

Then came Saturday, and there was violence on the city streets for the second day, when at least one person was killed and seven injure during the protests against the mosque blast.

Then Sunday saw processions and protest on the streets, where mourners vowed to foil "US designs." In all, that there was the canvassing going on for the by-elections and both MMA and MQM were "flexing their muscles". Now bear in mind that the city's mood was tense and apprehensive, when there came yet another holiday in this month for Karachi, on May 12, Wednesday, for the by-elections.

Many karachiites were surprised at another closure of work. And in the name of democracy came more violence and there were clashes and confrontations all day, despite a low voter turnout.

The by-poll related violence left nine people dead, with reports that many vehicles were torched that life on the streets was risky and that two MNAs and a PPPP candidate were attacked. Of course on the streets of the Karachi there was vigilant patrolling.

Then the election-related violence brought forth a strike call from the MMA on Friday and so the day began with the usual question marks and pessimism that we are all familiar with. Once again a feeling of emergency in the city. Once again a certain weariness, reminding one of many many such disappointing days in the past.

Some people observed that the limits of patience were being stretched to breaking point and Karachi's impatience and anxiety were reflected in people's attitudes even during normal times. The city has never recovered from the disorder that it saw in the mid-sixties. It has been embedded into the psyche of the Karachiites, a certain uncertainty, a certain lack of faith?

I have heard the argument that there is a positive side to Karachi, and that there is a great deal of development that is taking place. Surely, with the recurring nature of emergency and terrible panic that Karachi has been exposed to, the negative impact of it all on development and maintenance work must definitely be very high.

Clifton Road, near the PSO House, outside the Glass Towers, is another glaring example of apathy and neglect of the authorities concerned, where the sewerage lines have been choked for months now and keep overflowing from a manhole onto the main road of that 'posh' area. The government officials keep travelling on the road, but no one cares. Despite law and order being a priority with the city authorities, people continue to die, such things don't matter.

Besides the bloodshed and the lawlessness that we have experienced and the economic loss that we have suffered, there have been massive power failures too. The reasons don't matter. The KESC always has explanations. But there is a good news that Krygyzstan is keen to sell electricity to Pakistan. So what if KESC fails us? There is always somewhere we can get electricity from. In face of growing lawlessness, we have to organize our lives. The challenge is huge, growing, and undoing the good work that is being done.

Children's complex

The Commissioner's House, once a symbol of grandeur and splendour, will be converted into a children's complex and a park, and the project will be completed by June 30 as directed by the Punjab chief minister.

This was disclosed here the other day by Dr Faiza Asghar, the adviser on children's rights, while addressing a meeting at the Circuit House here. District Nazim Malik Amjad Ali Noon, DCO Hasan Iqbal Malik, EDO finance and planning Muhammad Mushtaq and deputy director, Children's Complex, Lahore, Zubair Ahmad Shad, attended the meeting.

Dr Faiza said the chief minister had issued a directive to convert the Commissioner's House into children's complex in March.

The Nazim apprised the adviser that the sole objective of the project was to provide children with educational and recreational opportunities. It is learnt that the project included construction of an auditorium, a library, an audio-video computer section, a hobby and toy section, outdoor playing area for special children, a science and technology centre, a language centre, a museum, tennis, badminton and basket ball courts, a jogging track, a cycle track and a mini zoo.

The Commissioner's House was built on 12 acres of land where century-old trees are a symbol of its beauty. The Anjuman Tahafuz Maholiat warned that if any tree from there was uprooted, it would stage a protest against such a move. The attached land was regularly being leased out to flower vendors since long but the lease amount was not being deposited in the public exchequer nor was it being utilized for the maintenance of the house.

Similarly, all the big bungalows of DCO, DPO, DIG and other officers have extra land and nurseries were using the adjoining land of these residences. But no amount was being deposited by them in the public exchequer. It is astonishing that all the nurseries along the University Road have spread their business up to the main road.

A long stretch of the road was encroached upon by them but they were not touched by any officer as they were reportedly paying huge amount to the occupants of these bungalows. It is also learnt that the Tehsil Municipal Administration was not taking any action against them as they were getting huge amounts as bribe from nursery owners.

A children's complex, in this context, is badly needed by the inhabitants. Earlier, a similar facility was constructed adjacent to Sir Syed Sports Complex about a decade ago at a cost of a million rupees. But that park is presenting a deserted look and not even once it was used by children as the administration had imposed an entry ticket which nobody accepted. The Commissioner's House is an old building having beautiful structure surrounded by old trees.

The social and religious circles have demanded that the government should order a thorough probe into the lease of its adjoining land. It was pointed out that nurseries encroaching on corporation road brims should pay penalty and the amount recovered from them should be deposited in the account of TMA and be utilized for the beautification and repair of University Road.

Remembering forgotten heroes

Lahore has had its fair share of heroes, a few known, most forgotten and the vast majority unknown. As time passes, these heroes, having lived their moment of glory, are snuffed out ... a silent whimper for a last hurrah.

Last week while on the flight to Rome, which for some odd reason goes via Paris, I was sitting next to Muhammad Afzal. He belongs to a village near Gujrat. It seems that almost half a million Pakistanis, mostly from Gujrat, have migrated to Italy. They work in the tanneries, the smelting plants, in the automobile factories, on the land tilling the tough Italian soil to grow the choicest grapes for the finest wines, and olives and peaches.

They work in the creameries making exquisite cheese, and they even inhabit the tough Sicillian landscape, competing with some very tough Sicillian characters. They speak the language reasonably well. In short, they are at home away from home.

Afzal works as a welder in a well-known Italian tractor factory near Bologna. He works 15 hours a day, six days a week and no holidays. The boss likes him and lets him keep the factory keys. We were discussing the agony of being a migrant, and it was during this 11-hour long flight that I heard the story of Billu Butt and Akram Gujjar, both from inside the old walled city of Lahore. Billu Butt was killed at the age of 21 trying to cross the Swiss Alps on foot in the middle of the night.

The other worked for a master leather craftsman in Florence, and he escaped to Germany, and, maybe, on to France and Spain. The story of Billu Butt and Akram Gujjar is typical of thousands of Pakistanis who leave our shores in search of a better life, and those earnings help to sustain the motherland, yet those rulers scorn at them. They are the wretched of the earth in a feudal landscape where pity and understanding for their plight is a sin, at least, officially, it is.

I managed to meet a Pakistani in Florence who pointed out the place where Akram Gujjar worked. I walked through the beautiful narrow streets of Florence, thinking of Lahore, and arrived at the church of Dante. Its called Casa di Dante. Just off it is Via Santa Margherita and a board outside a shop says "bottega artigiani del cuoio". It was here that Akram Gujjar learnt his craft.

He initially worked at another workshop in the second street off the shop called Via Del Corso. He was a master leather bookbinder. His gold-edged creations sold for almost 150 euros each, and Franco Cimatori paid him 20 euros for each piece. He would make about 20 pieces a week, and Akram made a name for himself.

His friend Billu Butt had always wanted to come to Italy, and so through an agent Billu set off. He landed at Yemen, crossed over to Sudan by boat, managed to cross the desert of camel in five weeks, and then spent ten days on a boat, almost dying of thirst in the middle of the sea that took him to Italy. There the local agent tried to kill him by firing at him. But Billu Butt had learnt his skills in the streets of old Lahore, and he escaped through sheer skill and guile.

A week later he landed up outside the shop of his delighted friend Akram, who looked after him. Very soon he had his papers made and was working in a tannery. It was in the tannery that our passenger friend Afzal met him, and, so Afzal claims, he was more interested in going to Germany. That was his undoing.

An Italian agent arranged for him to cross into Switzerland at night along the rail track. Just as he had crossed over, the agent shot him in the back and escaped into Italy. The incident had taken place in another country. The victim belonged to a far away place called Lahore. It was the end of the story as far as the Swiss or the Italians went, but the mother of Billu Butt had an address to write to.

Very soon they realized that no answers were forthcoming. Even Akram Gujjar stopped writing after he informed his friends in Lahore that Billu had been shot dead in the Swiss Alps. In Mohallah Joggian they held a Quran khawani, and that is all they could do. He was one of many Pakistanis who perish so that hundreds can make it, and they slave away in search of a dream of a better life in Pakistan.

Akram Gujjar worked for three years in Florence, when one day he left. No one knows where he ended up. In the leather markets of Florence the bookbinders still remember him as a master craftsman whose works were sought after.

While on the flight to Rome I asked Afzal, who lives and works near Bologna, just how had he managed to make it to Italy. His story was also an amazing one. He flew to Turkey, took a boat and landed on the beach of Sicilly. From there he crossed over to Germany after illegally crossing the border along the rail track at night. He in the same manner crossed over to France, went to Spain and then ended up in Italy. For five years he was an illegal immigrant, till such time as the law allowed him to register.

He says he was fired at three times, and each time he lay still in the night till all danger had gone. The border guards came and left and missed him. This is the way hundreds of thousands of Pakistanis make their way across the continents, all in search of better lives. For them death is never far away. It is an unending tale of sheer guts and grit, an unrecorded portion of the migrants from Pakistan.

A week later when I touched down in dust-covered Lahore, I noticed the sheer arrogance of rich bureaucrats in expensive green number plate cars and vans being given special treatment by the police. It makes one think of the hundreds of thousands of poor people who slave away so far away from home, a status quo is maintained that remains unfair to them, the very breadwinners of our soil. There must be hundreds of Billu Butts and Akram Gujjars lying buried on alien soil, the forgotten heroes of our land.