DAWN - Editorial; September 02, 2008

Published September 2, 2008

Bajaur ceasefire

REHMAN Malik, the advisor to the prime minister on interior, has declared a month-long ceasefire in the tribal areas in deference to the month of Ramazan. Mr Malik has, however, vowed that the security forces will “respond with full force” if the militants “take any action”. What does this mean? First, the effect of the ceasefire is most likely to be felt in the Bajaur tribal agency. It is the scene of the only real military operation in the tribal agencies at the moment and is also the place where the militants have been most keen to secure a ceasefire, unlike nearby Swat where the militants have disavowed any possibility of peace deals for now. Second, the ceasefire will allow at least some of the over 250,000 displaced persons in the northwest to return to their homes for the month of fasting. This will be especially welcome news to the nearly 100,000 people staying in makeshift camps where the threat of disease looms large amidst abysmal, unhygenic living conditions. Unfortunately, averting a humanitarian crisis at this point may only cause another one further down the road.

The militants in Bajaur have suffered severe losses in the military operation launched against them on Aug 6. Maulana Faqir Mohammad, leader of the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) in Bajaur, is believed to have suffered serious injuries. In the wake of these losses, the TTP in Bajaur announced a unilateral ceasefire on Aug 24, which was considered a ploy to avoid further losses. Then there is the fact that the Bajauris have themselves turned against the militants. Last week, in the Salarzai tehsil of Bajaur agency, locals were enraged when TTP militants targeted two tribal elders and one cleric making their way home after a meeting with government officials in Khar. Since then TTP militants have been killed and their homes destroyed in the Salarzai tehsil. The problem with a ceasfire now is that militants will have time to regroup and rethink their strategy to counter the full frontal assault by the security forces and the backlash from the Bajauris.

There is also the problem of a closing window of opportunity to fight the militants. After Eid there will only be a few weeks left before the onset of winter, during which fighting will again be halted. Bajauris displaced in the next round of fighting will not be able to return to their homes for the winter, leaving them exposed in camps to the elements all winter long. The humanitarian catastrophe is not hard to imagine. If the ceasefire holds, the government must use the next month to prepare for that eventuality.

Retired general’s wisdom

IF there is a thing called ‘bad democracy’, there is no doubt we have it. But, as the saying goes, the only solution to an unstable, inefficient and corrupt democracy is more democracy. This needs to be averred because of a perplexing statement by a spokesman for the Ex-Servicemen’s Association on Sunday. Couched in pessimistic language and referring time and again to the ‘instability’ which the Feb 18 election had created, Gen Ali Quli Khan’s statement called for postponing the presidential election, because the first task was to repeal the Seventeenth Amendment. Addressing a press conference, the retired soldier saw “dark clouds hovering over Pakistan’s horizon”, with the democratic process, beginning with the general election, taking the country towards instability. The general has a point to the extent that the behaviour of the principal actors in the post-Feb 18 drama has disappointed the nation. The situation was worsened by the combination of a host of constitutional and political issues that predated the Feb 18 polling and had roots in the March 2007 sacking of the chief justice and the promulgation of emergency in November last. The complexities arising from this mix of authoritarianism and the response to it by civil society is taking time to resolve. Nevertheless, Pervez Musharraf’s exit from the President House was achieved through an extraordinary demonstration of democratic power. This should help strengthen one’s belief in democracy rather than generate a sense of foreboding.

If the democratic process beginning with the general election is leading us towards instability and uncertainty, the retired general did not let us know what then the solution is. Retrying a nostrum found unworkable and dangerous? Citing other reasons also — like the question of the command and control over Pakistan’s nuclear assets — Quli Khan pleaded for postponing the Sept 6 election, and said that a national consensus should be developed on ‘the presidential election process’. The constitution’s Article 41(3), Second Schedule, lays down the procedure for the presidential election, and one fails to understand why a new ‘process’ is needed. Postponing Saturday’s vote will be counterproductive, for it will only stretch the uncertainty Quli speaks of. Phrases like ‘Pakistan is going through dangerous times’ are as old as the country, and the mess we are in again owes as much to the politicians in mufti as to those in uniform. Pakistan’s battle-hardened generals would do well to spare us their wisdom and pay attention to down-to-earth matters like making their lands more productive and their businesses more profitable. Or perhaps like a retired air marshal and others they could write their memoirs and let the nation know of their achievements on the battlefield.

Surge in Ramazan prices

THE surge in the prices of food items is a forerunner to the inflation during the month of Ramazan. Traditionally, the far-reaching impact of skyrocketing food prices is experienced during the holy month. As the prices rise, promises abound. Some measures have already been taken in anticipation of the price hike but to no avail. Shopkeepers have increased prices of daily-use items on their own as the authorities concerned have failed to check profiteering. Prices of food items have increased by 15 to 20 per cent despite the government’s claims of ensuring price stability. Much to the public’s dismay hoarding and profiteering have become synonymous with the month of Ramazan. The exploitation of consumers is widespread. Prices and quality have an inverse relationship. If one is high the other tends to be low.

All over Pakistan certain mechanisms have been set up to check the rise in prices. However, will these work or should we anticipate a failure? District administrations say they have chalked out contingency plans to ensure the smooth supply of essential food commodities and check hoarding. Under the plan, every shopkeeper, wholesaler and stockist has been directed to declare his itemised stock of all essential commodities which will be verified by the DCO, price magistrates and deputy district revenue officers to avoid hoarding. Also, the Sindh Assembly has passed the Sindh Essential Commodities Price Control and Prevention of Profiteering and Hoarding (Amendment) Bill 2008 increasing the punishment for hoarding. Utility stores all over the country have been directed to have Ramazan packages with discounted prices providing relief to consumers on essential commodities. The concerned authorities have also been directed to ensure a smooth supply to utility stores throughout the month. What is actually needed is the implementation of these policies and a constant check on hoarding and profiteering. Relief may be offered directly to the consumers with special Ramazan bazaars. These can provide items at reasonable rates which will not only mitigate the problem of availability but will also ensure homogeneity in price and quality. The authorities should remain vigilant in order to achieve the goal of keeping prices under check and ensuring the availability of essential commodities.

Sindh: a state of grace

By Bina Shah


ONE day over lunch I was discussing the issue of national and regional identity with my brother. “You know, the problem with us Pakistanis is that we define ourselves as what we’re not, rather than what we are,” he observed; very astutely for a young man not yet a quarter of a century old.

“You’re right,” I replied. “But that’s just one phase of development. Look at it this way. When you’re a teenager, you’re rebelling against your parents and saying you don’t want to be anything like them — what you are not, as you said. In your twenties, you start getting an idea of what you want to be. In your thirties and then beyond, you work on becoming that person. By the time you’re ready to die, you’ve got it all figured out!”

My brother agreed and I was secretly elated: it’s not easy to get through to a member of the younger generation who’s intelligent, energetic, has seen the world and is wise beyond his years. But what we discussed resonated with me when I considered the intense debate created by my last column (‘Who is a Sindhi?’ Aug 13, 2008) in this esteemed newspaper. We Sindhis are stuck somewhere between our teenaged years and our adulthood in terms of psychological development; we’re in a twilight zone where we’re trying to reconcile our 1,000-year old identity vis-à-vis the young nation in which we count ourselves a vital part of its four-province federation.

With the help of my readers, who over the last few weeks have been enthusiastically writing and talking about what it means to be a Sindhi, I think we’ve managed to figure out some points we can all agree on.

— A Sindhi is one who is proud to call himself a Sindhi

— A Sindhi loves the land of Sindh and pledges to protect its integrity and heritage

— A Sindhi selflessly serves the entire province of Sindh and shuns violence

— A Sindhi appreciates and respects the Sindhi language, and recognises its due importance as the mother tongue of Sindh

— A Sindhi appreciates Sindhi music, literature, culture

— A Sindhi appreciates the cultures of those who make Sindh their home and are proud to call themselves Sindhi

— A Sindhi encourages and respects other Sindhis, and does not discriminate against them

— A Sindhi respects the territorial integrity of Sindh

Many thanks to Khalid Hashmani of McLean, Virginia, who helped me formulate the first six points; I added the last two myself to make what I feel is a list of the most vital characteristics of those who want to call themselves Sindhi. If we strive to make them part of our collective ethos, we will raise Sindhi self-esteem to heights it has never achieved before. In fact, I’d like all Sindhis to adapt this list as their personal manifesto: a roadmap to help us and our future generations decide who we want to be in the future, not just who we are today. It contains the spirit of assimilation, rather than exclusivity, while maintaining pride in a culture and heritage that predates the emergence of any nation-state on this earth.

The last point is one of some contention. There has been talk for as long as I have been alive about putting down boundaries of some sort in Sindh, whether to draw lines between Sindh and the rest of the nation, or to create territories and holdings within Sindh according to ethnic lines. But fragmenting Sindh into tiny splinters of lands based on ethnicity, or separating Sindh from the rest of the federation will never solve our immediate problems of education, healthcare, crime, peace, and justice. The solution to problems like these is to come together, not to fall apart.

All in Sindh are tired of suffering. We are tired of division. We are tired of violence. We want to return to the golden days, when we held arms out to welcome people who wanted to join us, and such people that came to our land added to its strength, its culture, and its economic prosperity. This is the dream of all people who live in Sindh, no ‘ifs’, ‘ands’ or ‘buts’. Can we work towards this state of grace in the hope that one day we might achieve it? In the words of a man whose ambitions far surpassed everyone’s expectations of him, “Yes, we can.”

Let me say something here about the nature of Sindh: boundary lines cannot define it, nor contain its essence to one side of an imaginary line that we humans think setting down on a piece of paper will solve all our problems (it didn’t work so well for Kashmir, did it?). The essence of Sindh is something ethereal, untouchable, running as free as the Indus River, as wild as the chinkara that graces our deserts. It is not something that can be defined by boundaries or flags. The land of Sindh is a geographical location: the spirit of Sindh is an idea that transcends both space and time and resides not on the earth, but in the soul.

The real beauty of Sindh is not in its forests, fields, rivers and oceans, but in the tolerance, peace and harmony that was spread by the Sindhi Sufis, the world’s original hippies. Their message was love and their beloved was God, and this is what marks Sindh as special no matter what ethnic groups struggle over their position in it. Sindh has been alive for over 1,000 years; it has been home to people from East and West, North and South. Sindh will go on long after all of us are in our graves, finally meeting with our Beloved. If there’s one thing we should teach our children before we go, it’s this: Sindh is not just a state, it’s a state of mind. And we can make it a state of grace, if we so choose.

The writer is a Pakistani novelist.

binashah@yahoo.com

Crime rise warning in UK

By Nicholas Watt


AN autumn offensive by Gordon Brown to revive his premiership with a package of economic measures risks being overshadowed by the leak of a Home Office document which spells out how the downturn will lead to an increase in crime and greater support for extremist political parties.

Days after the Chancellor, Alistair Darling, warned in a Guardian interview on Saturday that the economic conditions are “arguably the worst” in 60 years, the Home Office paper gives an insight into the government’s detailed preparations for the downturn.

The document, a draft of a letter from Jacqui Smith, the home secretary, to Downing Street, warns that a downturn may lead to:

— An increase in support for “far right extremism and racism”;

— a possible increase in the support for radical Islamist groups from people who experience racism and possible unemployment;

— an “upward pressure on acquisitive crime”, property crime, which increases during a downturn;

— an increase in public hostility to migrants as the job market tightens;

— a fall in the use of cocaine and less drunken disorder in town centres unless drinks companies respond to the downturn by aggressive price cutting.

The leak of the document, which shows the government acknowledges there will be serious social consequences from a downturn, will irritate Downing Street after a difficult weekend.

Darling was forced to record an unscheduled television interview on Saturday to calm the atmosphere after his Guardian interview prompted speculation of a rift between the two most senior members of the cabinet. His frank remarks about the state of the economy, contrasting with the prime minister’s mild language, prompted Tory claims that the government was “dysfunctional”.

Downing Street and the UK Treasury insisted there was no tension between Brown and Darling, claiming they were focused on measures to help people struggling with the downturn.

The first initiative will be announced tomorrow when the government unveils plans to help millions of less well-off people gain — or at least not lose — a place on the housing ladder. This is likely to include a “shared equity” plan in which local authorities and housing associations help borrowers in return for a stake in their homes. Next week ministers will unveil plans to help people with rising fuel bills when the first cabinet of the new season will be held in Birmingham. This is expected to include measures to improve energy efficiency.

The Tories are likely to maintain the pressure on the government after the leak of the Home Office document which shows there could be a twin threat from the far right and radical Islamists. It says: “There is a risk of a downturn increasing the appeal of far right extremism and racism which presents a threat as there is evidence that grievance based on experiencing racism is one of the factors that can lead to people becoming terrorists ... The relationship to radicalisation is complex.”

— The Guardian, London

OTHER VOICES - Sindhi Press

Need for non-controversial presidential elections

Awami Awaz

FOLLOWING Pervez Musharraf’s resignation, presidential elections will be held on Sept 6. The three major political parties the PPP, PML-N and PML-Q have fielded their candidates — Asif Ali Zardari, Mushahid Hussain Syed and Justice (retd) Saeeduzzaman Siddiqui respectively. This election is being held after 11 months as Pervez Musharraf was elected president in Oct 2007…. His election remained the most controversial in the country’s history. A petition was filed against his election even though the then Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry allowed Pervez Musharraf to contest it. However, there were orders not to notify the results until the Supreme Court disposed of the petition about the eligibility of Pervez Musharraf. …Musharraf promulgated emergency … and deposed 13 judges of the Supreme Court.

Keeping this in view, the People’s Party wished for a non-controversial president, one who would be acceptable to all political forces. This was a genuine wish, but could not be fulfilled. At the time of the presidential elections, the PPP and its coalition partner the PML-N have parted ways and … are vying for the post.

The PPP thought that if Asif Ali Zardari was fielded as the presidential candidate, all parties, keeping in view the sacrifices made by Benazir Bhutto and himself, would elect him unopposed. But the parting of ways by Nawaz Sharif and the delay in the restoration of the deposed judges have deprived Zardari of [the chance to be] elected unopposed. … Asif Zardari has won the support of the ANP, MQM, JUI and some independent members.

There is a contest. People want these elections to be held peacefully. This is only possible when candidates avoid [showing] enmity or ego in this contest, and in case of defeat demonstrate the democratic spirit and accept the results.

The candidates and their supporters should … contest the polls with civility and in a democratic manner.… They should remember that after a prolonged struggle, they were able to push out the dictator. It is the need of the hour that they make this election non-controversial. In fact there is a need that those democratic parties who gave the vote of confidence to the prime minister should demonstrate the same spirit in the presidential elections. For this purpose the PPP government should also take measures for having a conducive and pleasant atmosphere. — (August 28) n

— Selected and translated by Sohail Sangi

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