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IT’S a strange, strange world in which Imran starts to look better than Nawaz. Or a depressing one, anyway. But look at the record of the last six months and it’s difficult to deny: Imran is beginning to seem more reasonable than Nawaz.
Madness? Preposterous reactionary-ism? Losing the plot? Hang on, let’s work through the evidence.
Imran wanted to be prime minister; Imran still wants to be prime minister — nothing wrong in a politician wanting to be prime minister. But, last August, Imran put wanting to be prime minister ahead of everything else.
Goodbye, crazed, destructive Imran of last August and hello, chastened, reasonable Imran of today?
To hell with reforms, to hell with procedure and propriety, go for broke. Imran turned up on Constitution Avenue with his wacky sidekick Tahirul Qadri and threatened all sorts of mayhem, even delivering on some of their threats.
That was terrible. It was hideous. The country was alternately fascinated and horrified at seeing an ego explode, a politician go from the promise of holding feet to the fire to engulfing the system in flames.
Imran talked a great plot throughout, but his actions betrayed the oldest of tales: ego and desperation masquerading as an outsider wanting to do good. It was as sad as it was true and it was out there for anyone to see.
But then a strange thing began to happen: Imran started to sound reasonable — strictly, it must be emphasised, in comparison to the N-League.
Consider the first climb down: Nawaz could stay. Gone was precondition, the basic demand, the one that imperilled the whole system and threatened to turn the elected system on its head. Instead, Imran demanded just a super commission, one to investigate the fraud alleged in May 2013.
Then, post-Peshawar, Imran wrapped up his street protests and publicly sat down with Nawaz to talk terrorism. There was no quid pro quo demanded and little politics engaged in.
This week, with the promised super commission still nowhere in sight, Imran kept his finger on the pause button, opting not to renew his anti-government street protests. Instead, Imran talked largely about KP, development and governance.
Goodbye, crazed, destructive Imran of last August and hello, chastened, reasonable Imran of today?
Hold on a minute, you’re thinking. That’s nuts. It’s not Imran who’s changed, it’s the circumstances that have.
There is, of course, an alternative explanation. Imran set out for Islamabad last August thinking he had the support of the army to chuck out Nawaz and trigger new elections.
The army may have manipulated Imran into thinking it would support him all the way or Imran had deluded himself into thinking it would — either way, once it became apparent the army’s goal was only to hobble, Imran was stuck.
He had gone for broke, had no exit strategy and was trapped on Constitution Avenue. Imran had no option but to climb down.
So, he took the minus-Nawaz demand off the table and focused on his more legitimate and reasonable demands — and in doing so transferred some of the pressure onto the PML-N.
Then, when Peshawar happened in the PTI’s backyard, not suspending the protests would have brought public opprobrium on the PTI.
To hell with your politics, if you had been doing your job, maybe our kids would not have died, an angry public and the PTI’s political opponents could have claimed had the PTI not called off the dharna.
Finally, there’s January — Imran’s dharna convention this week ending with a focus on KP instead of pressure on Nawaz. Hang on to that last thought for a bit.
For now, the basic argument holds: whatever the impetus, whatever the reasons, at least the climb down is real. Imran could have, say, continued to demand Nawaz’s resignation — it’s not like dropping that demand has got Imran any closer to his vaunted May 2013 inquiry.
So, forget the whys and hows — Imran has come across as reasonable at key moments in the last six months. Contrast that with Nawaz since last August.
Everything — everything — was gummed up because of that infernal dharna on Constitution Avenue. After a while, Qadri was willing to go home if he got an inquiry into Model Town and Imran if he got a super commission. The country could have limped on from the crisis.
It was in Nawaz’s hands to let the country move on. But he gave nothing to either man.
After Peshawar, Nawaz had a chance to look prime ministerial again. He partially grabbed it. Nawaz gravely presided over security meetings, expertly shepherded a constitutional amendment through parliament — but still no commission.
Even though Imran had met him halfway and Nawaz’s relative position had strengthened.
And that brings us to this week — the same week Imran all but called off his anti-government campaign and announced he will focus on making KP a better place, Nawaz presided over a wretched petrol crisis in the heart of his political empire.
What did Nawaz do? Forget Imran’s super commission for May 2013, Nawaz couldn’t even bring himself to fire a minister. For an unnecessary crisis that hurts Nawaz more than anyone else.
Look elsewhere. Where’s the cabinet reshuffle? The cabinet isn’t working, but it is continuing. How’s civ-mil? It takes something special to leave it in worse shape than under a Zardari-led PPP. How’s energy? Never mind. Where are the jobs? Next question. Actually, forget it.
Back to this week: Imran didn’t need to focus on KP, but he did; Nawaz needed to fire a minister, but he didn’t. Sure, the PML-N may still finish ahead of the PTI in a general election, but it’s a strange, strange world where Imran starts to look more reasonable than Nawaz.
The writer is a member of staff.
Twitter: @cyalm
Published in Dawn, January 25th, 2015
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