AT the very first barrier on the road leading to the Quaid-i-Azam University (QAU), at the junction of Third Avenue and Bari Imam Road, a few taxis are parked at their usual spot. But the increased number of guards today is unusual; they are checking every vehicle and verifying the identity of all visitors.
The road turning left along the chemistry department, leading to the point where the university buses stop, is calm. This is the place where students have been staging protests for the past 17 days.
“Things are normal now and classes have resumed,” a student of the history department informs me. “But some students are still protesting.”
The trouble emerged after a violent incident back in May, when some Sindhi and Baloch students clashed, leaving many injured on both sides. The university administration suspended 25 and expelled six Sindhi students, while six Baloch students were expelled and two suspended for their involvement in that clash. However, the management could not cope with the aftermath.
QAU admits students from all over the country under a quota system. Students have formed six ethnic councils: Punjabi, Pakhtun, Mehran, Baloch, Seraiki and Gilgiti, from where they raise their issues.
The protests continued to become more and more serious as, besides the issue of suspensions and expulsions, students heaped up a list of many more demands, eventually resulting in a shutdown of the campus on Oct 3.
After a series of dialogues, the administration succumbed to the pressure and accepted all the demands except taking back its decision on the rustications and expulsions. When a majority of the student councils agreed to call off their protest, the university opened on Oct 20. But the Baloch students continued with their demonstrations because they wanted the restoration of their fellows’ status, including the chairman of their council.
“All demands, including the reduction in fees, were accepted and the strike was called off. But then the students who were expelled and rusticated reignited the protest,” adds another student from the history department. “The management didn’t empathise with sensitivities involving Baloch students,” says their third companion. “The Baloch students are now alone in their protest. So it has become more sensitive. Vice Chancellor Dr Javed Ashraf is running the university like a factory.”
At a popular cafeteria on the premises, girls and boys are sitting around tables, gossiping, eating and drinking. “The Baloch students will come to stage another protest shortly,” a Pakhtun student from Quetta says.
Before the protesters assemble, Sadi Duggal, chairman of the Punjab council, says they are violating an agreement to end the protests. “We, the members of all six university councils, had unanimously decided to end the strike when the VC accepted all 13 demands except the restoration of students’ status,” he says. “I don’t know what happened to the Baloch, who later reneged. More Sindhis were affected by the disciplinary action but they are no longer protesting.” He hints that “somebody from outside” the university may be trying to incite the Baloch students.
A senior faculty member, who publicly criticised the student councils for forcibly shutting down the university and supports the university syndicate for not withdrawing the sentences against students involved in violence, believes that the administration itself was responsible for the unrest.
“The university doesn’t provide facilities that match the fees, so obviously students are unhappy,” he says. “They will be on the road every two months. The faculty has also demanded that the VC resign because he has failed to improve the situation. All the important administrative posts are vacant. We have not had a planning director for four years, the registrar has been on forced leave since April 2015 because of allegations of embezzlement, and the additional registrar and controller of examinations are also on forced leave because of serious charges. We have no treasurer in the university,” he continues.
“The university failed to get a government financial package of Rs6 billion announced in 2006 because there was no development plan. Then, a grant of Rs2.8 billion from the government was also not received because of incompetence. The VC also failed to recover land grabbed by influential people despite the Supreme Court’s intervention.”
Outside, Baloch students have started gathering. A tall man with traditionally long hair leads a march of around 80 male and female students carrying red placards without any inscriptions.
“Why didn’t you write anything?” I ask a protester, Bushra.
“Because they don’t understand it, they are blind,” she responds.
“In which department do you study here?” I ask.
“I’ve graduated.”
“From which department?” I repeat.
“I graduated from another university.”
As she responds, the tall man with long hair puts a hand on my shoulder. He is Kamran Baloch, chairman of the Baloch student council.
“We will not rest until they restore the status of all our students,” he says “The Balochistan home minister is coming to the VC’s office and we are also heading there. We will talk and then we will see.”
The VC is not present in his office. “He has gone to the Higher Education Commission offices,” says his personal assistant.
“The Balochistan home minister, Sarfraz Bugti, has requested students to call off their protests as the matter has been handed over to a committee and is expected to be resolved,” Dr Javed Ashraf, the VC, tells me later. “We have called a meeting of the syndicate on Nov 17 and they will look into the issue.”
But Kamran Baloch says they will continue their protest until the restoration of students’ status. “We will gather in the university and outside the press club to help restore to the student lists our 10 students, including myself,” he says.
Published in Dawn, October 29th, 2017
Dear visitor, the comments section is undergoing an overhaul and will return soon.