OVER 200 years ago, Napoleon described the British as ‘a nation of shopkeepers’. While he meant is an insult, Brits wore the label as a badge of honour: not for them the upheavals that have periodically marked so much of European history. The passions and fervour that drove the French Revolution passed Britain by, as did the socio-economic and nationalist ideologies of Communism and Fascism.
True, both the British right and left attracted their share of support, but broadly speaking, there was a consensus around the principles of liberal democracy and free markets. Decency and tolerance were part of this British self-image, and political debate seldom acquired the strident edge it does elsewhere. In short, the Brits had come to assume an air of complacent superiority when they compared their system and approach to politics with other countries.
Until now, that is. Suddenly, this eminently sensible nation decided to jump over the cliff when it voted in last year’s referendum to leave the European Union. After joining the trading bloc in 1973, and having enjoyed an unprecedented era of peace and prosperity, this was an extraordinary act of self-harm. Increasingly, many are coming to realise the cost that will have to be paid for this ill-judged decision. And yet, the tribal passions unleashed during the fractious Brexit campaign persist. Hostesses ask guests not to discuss Brexit at the dinner table. Children are furious with parents for having voted to leave the EU, thus depriving them of the right to study and work in any of the member states. Pro-Brexit, right-wing newspapers attack opponents as ‘traitors’, and dismiss them as ‘Remoaners’.
All this is very alien to traditional British values that have long accommodated divergent views without rancour. But now, it is as though the Brexit vote had given people licence to abuse and malign others. Following last year’s vote, there has been a sharp spike in xenophobia, and many Europeans are making plans to leave the UK, even though an agreement with Brussels will probably protect most of their rights. However, they are deeply concerned over the recent changes taking place in their adopted home.
Viewed from abroad, Britain seems a sadly diminished country. Brexit campaigners like Boris Johnson and Michael Gove had painted a rosy picture of a strong Great Britain standing alone and trading successfully with the rest of the world without being hamstrung by EU standards, rules and regulations. However, the reality is turning out to be very different.
For one, the so-called divorce settlement with the EU is far more difficult to reach than had been anticipated. Ever since Article 50 was activated earlier this year, formally signalling Britain’s desire to quit the EU, both sides have been bogged down in interminable talks in Brussels that seem to go nowhere. No amount has been agreed to cover the UK’s post-Berexit bills, and the European side has complained about the lack of seriousness visible in their British counterparts.
One problem, of course, is that there is no consensus among the ruling Conservative Party over how to manage Brexit, with views ranging from ‘remain’ to ‘hard Brexit’. Some have even advocated just walking out of the talks. Given the fragility of Theresa May’s ruling coalition, she cannot afford to anger any faction without causing the government to fall.
Fresh elections, of course, would open the door to a reinvigorated Labour Party to return to power. This possibility had seemed very remote before the ill-judged snap elections called by Mrs May in the summer that saw her party parliamentary majority reduced to a minority, forcing her into an uneasy coalition.
Even the rise of a hard left Labour under Jeremy Corbyn reflects the changes that have transformed the British political scenario. Labour’s promise to renationalise the railways and other utilities — once anathema to mainstream Brits — has attracted a surprising amount of support.
One explanation for this sea change in attitudes is the anger many feel towards the bankers, hedge fund managers and other assorted fat cats who were responsible for the banking crash and subsequent recession of 2008. People feel that instead of punishing those who caused the crash, they have been penalised through deep cuts in social spending. Incomes have stagnated while inflation has risen post-Brexit. All this has caused a fall in the standard of living for millions. Small wonder, then, that ordinary Brits have used both the Brexit referendum and the summer election to lash out at the elites.
Globalisation and immigration — especially from other EU countries — were two other factors that have transformed Britain’s worldview, as well as how it sees itself. But if this government wishes to retain free access to EU’s single market, it might have to swallow its distaste for foreigners. And to add insult to injury, the Indian high commissioner in London has just explained to his hosts that if they want a favourable trade deal with his country, they will have to accept more immigrants from India.
So while it was once largely insulated from the populist storms sweeping across the world, Britain has now decided to join the tribal fray. Many Brits like to sneer at Donald Trump’s antics, as well as the stupidity of those who elected him. And despite his bizarre words and behaviour, his core support of around 35 per cent is still behind him. However, as I remind my English friends, Trump will be voted out of office in 2020, or be gone by 2024 when he completes his two terms. But Brexit is forever.
Published in Dawn, November 27th, 2017
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