LAST week, after the daylong high drama surrounding the cable chair rescue, a press release from the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan began doing the rounds on social media. It praised the local residents who were part of the rescue mission, and announced a cash award for them.

So bizarre is the press release that people such as myself thought it was fake. However, since then, I have spoken to journalists who cover these issues and they confirm it is genuine. In fact, colleagues point out that the TTP in its present ‘reincarnation’ seems to be a doing a lot more than just enjoying the sophisticated weaponry left behind by the Western forces during their quick exit from Afghanistan: the organisation has also learnt the importance of winning over the public and are now trying to ‘craft’ a social agenda. Apparently, it even released a statement on the migrants’ ship that went down. (Those familiar with the issue say the group is trying to emulate the Afghan Taliban in organisational matters and reaching out to the populace).

So far, there is little indication they are making any headway in winning over the people. However, this may change, as discontent in the province is growing due to several reasons, according to those who keep a close eye on the situation.

A major factor is the security situation, which continues to deteriorate day by day. Incidents take place on a daily basis, even though not all of them are, fortunately, big enough to catch the attention of the press.

The unhealthy focus on politics — over security matters — can have unforeseen ramifications.

However, the impact on the local residents is evident enough. While the people of the province are worried and upset at the attacks, they are also wary of the possibility of large-scale operations to eliminate militants. Indeed, the residents are fearful of the threat the TTP can pose, as evident in the large, seemingly spontaneous, protests held earlier this year in different parts of the province when the attacks gained momentum. Such was the sentiment that most of the parties active in the province took part in these protests, ranging from the PTI to ANP, to peace movements such as the PTM.

However, it is important to note that these protests were not just against the TTP’s return but also against the possibility of further operations by the state. Having suffered displacement and the destruction of their homes in the past, the people of KP are not keen on a repeat of the experience. This is not lost on the parties active in the area.

Along with the fears of the people, the security situation has also impacted the police force in KP. At the receiving end of many terrorist attacks, the police have borne the brunt of the situation. What complicates matters is the sophisticated equipment being used by the TTP in attacks, placing law-enforcement personnel at a distinct disadvantage. That the police force is as frustrated by the attacks as are the people was evident from the protest the force held after the attack in Peshawar in February. There may have not been another protest since then, but to assume that its reservations and worries have been addressed would be foolish.

Many feel the security concerns are a critical factor in the growing distrust between the people of KP and the state. As one journalist put it, the people feel abandoned and are sceptical of any effort or move by the state. Economic hardship doesn’t help, but while that is a phenomenon the entire country is dealing with, in KP it is being matched by the insecurity caused by terrorism. It is in this context that the TTP’s strategy should be viewed.

An additional factor is the challenge presented by Fata’s merger with the province. Due to a number of reasons, the administrative challenges which arose since the merger have not been effectively addressed. Financial constraints have been a major reason — especially because of the lack of consensus on the NFC share, which was to be agreed on by all the provinces. As a result, the state’s infrastructure has not been extended to the region. An example of this is that dispute resolution has become difficult. Colleagues point out that the TTP is once again trying to mediate for the quick resolution of disputes. However, these are issues limited to one part of the province; they need immediate attention because this is the area where the militants entrenched themselves the last time. And, if the alienation is not addressed, the forces which can take advantage of it will prove dangerous for the entire country.

Last but not least is the larger political situation in the province, where the bulk of the political support is enjoyed by the PTI, electorally, or peace organisations such as the PTM. The rest of the parties, now expected to return to power whenever elections are held, are not seen to enjoy widespread support. This strategy needs to be viewed in the larger context of KP rather than simply the issue of PTI and its ‘undesirability’.

But that is not happening. If earlier the entire focus was on providing support to the PDM parties, such as the JUI-F and ANP, it now seems that hopes are being placed on Pervez Khattak, who is rumoured to enjoy access to the new caretaker set-up and, in his interactions with journalists, appears confident of a bright future.

However, this unhealthy focus on the political situation — over security matters — can have unforeseen ramifications. If there is already a sense of alienation or distrust among the people, will it be aggravated or addressed by an election result which brings to power forces that don’t enjoy popular support? For at some stage, there will be a need to address the security challenge in the province, which is not possible without the local people’s support.

The battles at the top may be important, but strategies shouldn’t be planned without taking into account public sentiments. One can only hope someone has their ear to the ground as well.

The writer is a journalist.

Published in Dawn, August 29th, 2023