IN A leaked classified cable from Nov­ember 2007, the diminutive US Amba­ssador to Pakistan, Anne W. Patterson, wrote of Maulana Fazlur Rehman: “He appeared to relish his role as a kingmaker.”

Detailing her luncheon-meeting with the Maulana, the all-powerful ambassador further wrote: “He enjoys being courted by both Musharraf and Benazir Bhutto and sees himself increasingly in the lucrative position of being a kingmaker, if not the next prime minister.”

Such is the political power of this stocky politician from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s southern-most Dera Ismail Khan district, that no matter who rules Islamabad — be it the military or be it a political party — they all need him to be on their right side.

Maulana Fazlur Rehman knows the tremendous political clout he wields in Pakistan’s turbulent history. He knows he can’t be the prime minister, but he also knows he has enough political weight to be taken seriously.

His JUI-Fazl has the support of thousands of religious seminaries across KP, Balochistan and the erstwhile tribal region that now form part of this northwestern province, bordering Afghanistan.

He controls both the mosques and their pulpits. Come elections and his massive network of motivated and committed cadres mobilize and spring into action.

Abdul Khel to Akora Khattak

Born in June, 1953 in village Abdul Khel, some eighty kilometers to the north of the southern district, Fazlur Rehman learnt to walk the political tightrope from his father, the formidable Maulana Mufti Mehmood — an opposition leader and the one-time chief minister of the then-NWFP in 1972.

He knows he can’t be the prime minister, but the heir to Maulana Mufti Mehmood’s political legacy also knows he has enough political weight to be taken seriously

It was following his father’s death in 1980 that the then 27-year-old Fazlur Rehman, who was teaching theology at his father’s madressah, took the party’s reins and launched his political career in earnest. By his own account, the Maulana — known as MFR in official circles — had done his matriculation from Multan and had later joined the famous Darul Uloom Haqqania in Akora Khattak, before wading into politics.

Eight years on, he won his first seat from his native district to represent his party in the National Assembly. His parliamentary history has been a roller-coaster ride ever since — losing and winning his way back into the parliament.

But with his cult-like following, the Maulana — known for his trademark mustard turban, branded dark sunglasses and light chocolate robe as per the demand of the occasion, makes sure that he remains relevant to national politics.

Political friends and foes alike know him as a practical and pragmatic politician, willing to cut a deal when it suits him and his party. From leading a conglomeration of religious parties to form the first right-wing government under the aegis of the Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal in 2002 in NWFP, to supporting the secular PPP and the conservative PML, the Maulana has been comfortable with all and sundry — except of course, the PTI.

Acrimony with PTI

Like many of the other mainstream political parties, which faced a near rout in the 2018 elections, Maulana’s JUI-F too saw its political standing getting a drubbing at the hands of Imran Khan’s party in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Like others, Fazlur Rehman too cried foul and accused the establishment of helping PTI. That acrimony has now turned into a full-blown, unforgiving, no-holds-barred political enmity between the two parties, which continues till this day.

Days before the Azadi March in October 2019, ostensibly launched to force the PTI out of power, the Maulana had told Dawn in an informal chat that he felt cornered and let down by the powerful military.

His party, he said, had borne the brunt of Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) attacks for opposing an armed struggle for the enforcement of Sharia and believing in parliamentary democracy. “I am not being given my due political space”, he said, lounging on a sofa in his office-cum-bedroom at the party’s regional office in Peshawar.

He had a point. The Maulana himself survived suicide bombings as did others in his party between 2011 and 2014. “I am the only who is standing in the way of the gun-totting Taliban”, he said. Indeed, it was through him that the military had sought to engage with and get into peace agreements with militant commanders in North & South Waziristan.

The Azadi March was thus the logical outcome of Maulana’s desperation to find his way back into electoral politics and it did produce some results, though not much — by forcing IK’s military backers to think anew knowing the 70 years’ old politician had the power to whip up religious frenzy by galvanizing his hardcore political’ base anytime he wanted. Adjustments would have had to be made.

Back in the game

Following PTI’s departure, the Maulana is back in the game. His party has had the lion’s share of clout and say with former chief minister Akram Durrani and Maulana’s own brother and claimant to the top executive office at the chief minister’s secretariat, calling the shots in transfer and postings.

He and his entire family is now in the run in the February 8 polls including his two brothers and two sons, contesting both NA and PA seats. What is more, he has nominated two women from his own family for the reserved seats.

Clearly, the Maulana is staking his claim to return his party to power in KP. Despite security challenges and threat to himself and his party candidates in parts of KP, particularly in the southern and tribal districts, his JUI-F is viewed as a strong player to do well at the husting.

Whatever the outcome, and it is all too confusing to make a safe, educated and informed prediction, Fazlur Rehman’s party may wield enough strength to tip the balance of power one way or the other. He has never had any problem working with any political party, however, divergent their political views and philosophies may be.

Weary of the Afghan Taliban ruling next door in Afghanistan, there are many here who shudder at the prospects of their ideological twins taking the reins of power in KP. For, its stint in power in the early 2000 was hardly any inspiration for the largely non-conservative voters in KP.

The JUI-F led MMA’s passage of the Hasba Bill in July 2005, which among other things, had sought to establish a vice and virtue department along with enforcement mechanism and the drive to remove mannequins from stores and deface billboards with images of female models, was eventually struck down by a nine-member bench of the Supreme Court in September that year, as against fundamental rights guaranteed in the Constitution.

But the kingmaker that he is, he has already aligned himself with PML-N and is perhaps on the best of terms with the powerful military establishment after more than a decade-long hiatus. If need be, he will be very happy to work with the PPP and some of the secular, nationalist parties in KP and Balochistan, his party had worked with and enjoyed powers in the past.

As one senior ANP figure once quipped: “Don’t judge him by his appearance or his public political pronouncements for that is his political compulsion, the Mau­lana in private is way too different than the Maulana in public.”

Published in Dawn, February 7th, 2024

Header image: Maulana Fazlur Rehman speaks in Lakki Marwat on Jan 22. — X/juipakofficial