The question of when Pakistan emerged as a distinct nation has elicited diverse opinions. Those aligned with the official narrative argue that Pakistan’s origins trace back to when Muhammad bin Qasim set foot in Sindh, overthrowing a tyrant who oppressed Muslims in the region. Others claim that the foundation of Pakistan was laid during the reign of the great Muslim emperors of Hindustan.

Some highlight the contributions of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan and his contemporaries, who spearheaded intellectual and social reforms, paving the way for a separate homeland for Indian Muslims. More serious scholars, however, contend that Pakistan evolved as a political response to the complex challenges faced by Muslims under British rule and during the Indian National Congress’s tenure (1937–39).

The emergence of political parties in the subcontinent was a result of the granting of limited political space by the British rulers. Within this landscape, parties presented competing manifestos, and among them, the demand for Pakistan resonated most strongly with Muslims. The movement gained unprecedented momentum when the All-India Muslim League formally articulated its vision through the Lahore Resolution on March 23, 1940.

Politics is often described as the art of the possible. Astute politicians assess situations to explore available options, political space, and strategies to achieve their objectives.

Pakistan cannot survive on outdated rhetoric; it needs a redefined vision of nationhood that is well-grounded in contemporary realities.

For Pakistan’s founding leaders, it became evident nearly a century ago that autonomy for Muslim-majority regions was the answer to the political and social challenges of the subcontinent. This marked a fundamental shift, driven by evolving strategic, political, and communal dynamics.

Factors such as Viceroy Lord Linlithgow’s decision to involve India in the Second World War, escalating Hindu-Muslim tensions, the Indian National Congress’s attempts at political dominance in the mid-1930s, and the diminishing prospects of Muslim political survival in a nationalist India all contributed to the demand for a separate homeland. These concerns formed the foundation of the Muslim League’s political manifesto, guiding the struggle for Pakistan.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah and his colleagues recognised that the Muslim community required constitutional safeguards. Jinnah candidly presented this reality to Muslims, incorporating it into an electoral manifesto. A key lesson from this history is that shifting political circumstances often necessitate the redefinition of legal and constitutional frameworks.

When political institutions are prevented from functioning within constitutional norms, chaos ensues, with political parties and their followers falling into disarray. Open political discourse is replaced by clandestine manoeuvrings that harm the state. Unfortunately, this pattern has repeated itself throughout Pakistan’s history, especially during periods of military rule. State institutions are strengthened only when all political voices are heard without restriction.

A nation in search of unity

Pakistan today grapples with a disoriented citizenry caught between economic survival, consumerism, and competing religious narratives. The sense of nationhood is weak at best. While moments of crisis temporarily unite people, as seen during the 2022 floods, lasting national cohesion remains elusive. The ongoing security operations in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) and Balochistan have received some political and public backing, but the lack of a unanimous national consensus is concerning. Beyond such instances, society remains deeply divided along lines of resource allocation, provincialism, and religious sectarianism.

The Pakistan Movement was characterised by a pragmatic approach to difficult political realities. Jinnah, despite the League’s vulnerabilities, never shied away from addressing challenges directly. In a statement on March 31, 1944, regarding the League’s stance against the Unionist Party, he asserted that one could not owe allegiance to two parties simultaneously. The vulnerable position of the League did not prevent him from boldly speaking the truth. Such clarity and resolve are lacking today. Unless a similar spirit is revived — where national issues are tackled with fairness and objectivity — meaningful social cohesion will remain a distant dream.

The role of Islam

The role of Islam in governance remains a contentious issue. No constitutional framework can be effectively implemented until the existing ambiguities in this regard are addressed with precision and honesty. These contradictions are evident in all spheres — from the declaration of Islam as the state religion to the attempt to align constitutional laws with Quranic and Sunnah principles. Even in sectors like banking and finance, such inconsistencies create persistent legal and ideological challenges.

The state’s failure to present a cohesive Islamic governance model has allowed sectarianism and religious orthodoxy to hold the population hostage. Society is fragmented between militant, pseudo-puritanical, festive, and mystic interpretations of Islam. Consequently, self-styled zealots periodically emerge, mobilising street power and disrupting public life with little resistance from the government.

This lack of control has led to deadly consequences, such as the ongoing unrest in Kurram and the tragic assassination of Maulana Hamidul Haq Haqqani. It has been observed that religious scholars who support rationality, progressive views on life and the virtues of scientific learning are the most unsafe. Unless these religious fault lines are addressed, Pakistan will remain vulnerable to further instability.

The crisis of federation

Pakistan’s federation is marked by stark inequalities. The relationship between Punjab and the smaller provinces is a central issue in governance. No federation can thrive when physical and social disparities fuel centrifugal forces. The path of least resistance lies in renegotiating resource allocation formulas within the existing provincial framework. For instance, the distribution of the Indus waters should be based on scientific data and consensus agreements, ensuring that one province’s gain is not another’s loss.

The 18th Amendment has granted provinces greater autonomy, but unresolved disputes — such as over National Finance Commission (NFC) awards, mineral royalties, and energy revenues — demand urgent resolution. The controversy surrounding the six canals diverting water from the Sutlej to irrigate Punjab’s deserts has recently sparked significant resentment in Sindh. Farmers fear that water will ultimately be drawn from the Indus via link canals, jeopardising their livelihoods. The federal government and Punjab have made little effort to engage Sindh in meaningful dialogue, further deepening interprovincial mistrust.

A nation of lost potential

Pakistan’s founding fathers envisioned a country of opportunity and progress. Jinnah and his comrades spoke of a state where equal growth opportunities would be available to all. However, this vision was soon eclipsed by harsh realities. Millions of talented Pakistanis have migrated abroad in search of better prospects, as domestic opportunities remain scarce.

Economic development cannot be achieved without enabling personal progress on a large scale. Pakistan’s youth — the future custodians of the state — have a pragmatic outlook on life. They seek tangible incentives to stay and contribute.

If Pakistan is to retain its best minds, it must offer them not just economic stability but also social, cultural, and emotional fulfilment. Hollow nationalist rhetoric will not suffice; the youth demand a clear and actionable vision for the nation’s future.

A disturbing trend is the government’s withdrawal of funding for higher education. The federal government has shifted this burden onto the provinces, and barring Sindh, public investment in universities has dwindled across the country.

If Pakistan is serious about combatting extremism and fostering progress, sustained investment in education is the only viable path. Lessons can be drawn from India and China, both of which prioritised human resource development and are now reaping the benefits of their educational investments.

A state in disarray

One of the primary duties of a state, as Jinnah asserted, is to protect the life and liberty of its citizens. Pakistan has failed on this front. The country is engulfed in social unrest, with rising terror attacks, protests, and agitation across Balochistan, Punjab, KPK, and Sindh. Weak governance has exacerbated the crisis, forcing citizens to take to the streets for even the most basic services, such as registering an FIR or securing access to municipal utilities. The lack of functional local governments has made street protests the only means of gaining administrative attention.

Repeated calls for reform have gone unanswered. It is time for Pakistan’s intellectuals to push for a redefined vision of nationhood — one rooted in present realities, not outdated slogans. A nation cannot survive on pretence and the political machinations of vested interests. It needs a core group of enlightened individuals with a well-articulated agenda for national renewal.

The writer is an academic and researcher based in Karachi.