THE government of Pakistan has promoted Gilgit-Baltistan as a premier adventure tourism destination, showcasing its breathtaking landscapes and towering peaks. Ironically, GB is constitutionally not part of the country.

Liberated by its people in 1947 it opted for Pakistan. Sadly, despite assuming de facto control, Pakistan has held back from according full constitutional status to GB, citing the unresolved implementation of UN resolutions on Kashmir to which GB has been yoked. As a result, GB continues to be governed through presidential decrees, unaccompanied by parliamentary representation.

This fragile arrangement, lacking moral and legal legitimacy, is upheld through a local elected assembly with circumscribed powers which can be unilaterally upended by the prime minister, who remains unaccountable to the region’s people. To prop up this artificial governance structure, national political parties dominate the political landscape through local chapters, essentially controlling the regional leadership. The primary role of these local leaders is to suppress growing discontent against a system that functions as a form of colonial rule, offering only an illusion of self-governance.

Local governments (LG) are manipulated to maintain the status quo, resorting to short-sighted and irresponsible decisions, which lead to an ineffective administrative structure. This governance model has drained resources without delivering meaningful development, thus subjecting the people to compromised healthcare, education, and social services. The result is a bureaucratic white elephant, which is expensive to maintain and ineffective in addressing people’s true needs.

Since the enactment of the 2009 Governance Order, successive political governments have prioritised job creation for political workers over establishing a robust administrative structure accountable to an elected assembly. The easiest way to achieve this has been to carve out new revenue districts — formed irresponsibly — leading to bureaucratic expansion. Now numbering 10, the new districts have led to a governance crisis in a region of just 1.8 million. Each district now requires a deputy commissioner, district police officer, sessions judge, and heads of various line departments — despite some districts having fewer than 100,000 residents.

In policing, two districts alone have over 10 police stations, while four have fewer than five. The justification for these districts — vast geography and a difficult terrain — is flawed, as the administrative structure has grown disproportionately compared to local needs. Alarmingly, ahead of the next local assembly elections, plans are underway to create four more districts to be funded by diverting the development budget and depriving the region of essential projects.

The planned wasteful expenditure on additional districts must be rolled back.

The creation of these small districts has had serious consequences: underutilised deputy commissioners assuming municipal functions, thus obstructing the evolution of an effective LG system; the direct involvement of district heads in health, education, minerals, etc, weakening professional oversight and efficient service delivery; junior-level officers interfering in specialised fields, leading to detrimental decisions; unregulated hotel expansion causing pollution, with little enforcement of regulations by a specialised institution; a police force increasingly assuming judicial functions, and intervening in civil disputes beyond its mandate, thus undermining the judicial system; diversion of budgetary resources to sustain a nonproductive administrative structure has led to resource constraints, resulting in power shortages and water scarcity which is exacerbated by unplanned tourism; the absence of town planning has resulted in the unchecked expansion of informal settlements, turning pristine valleys into overcrowded slums.

But the most troubling outcome has been the neglect of fundamental issues by the local political leadership. With a few honourable exceptions, most leaders have paid little attention to resolving the constitutional status of the region, leaving it in a state of political limbo. This breeds discontent and risks deepening resentment. People expect their leaders to take an active and serious role in addressing these concerns.

Key unresolved demands include: rehabilitation for Chilas residents affected by water storage for the Diamer-Bhasha dam; completion of hydropower projects stalled due to funding shortages, thus delaying energy supply; the process of granting lease for mineral resources must be made fair and transparent and safeguard local interests; for legal protection of landownership, legislation is required to formally recognise and protect these rights of local communities; GB should be given a fair share in CPEC projects — instead, its fragile environment has been exposed to pollution caused by heavy traffic.

Addressing these pressing issues within the LG ambit is essential to ensuring the region’s stability and securing its future.

The planned wasteful expenditure on additional districts must be rolled back and redirected towards development projects that alleviate the suffering of people, many of whom, despite living along a riverbank, cannot easily access drinking water. Priority should be given to improving health and education services rather than expanding an already bloated administrative structure.

The region’s leaders must also take up the critical matter of constitutional representation resolutely. Continued denial of representation in parliament and the federal government remains a key factor underpinning the region’s neglect and the arbitrary decisions imposed upon it. The creation of four more districts may serve short-term political interests, but the long-term consequences will be disastrous.

The federal government must course correct, not only for regional stability but for the nation’s broader interests. This area holds immense strategic significance as the gateway to the flagship CPEC and the site of the Diamer-Bhasha dam, a critical project for ensuring water security. Neglecting it can lead to not just local unrest but also national insecurity and economic instability.

For over seven decades, the people of this region — loyal citizens who proudly fly the Pakistani flag even on the graves of their martyred sons who have died fighting for the country — have waited for their constitutional rights. Their patience is wearing thin, and the younger, educated generation is discontented with the status quo. The state must recognise the growing frustration and address their rightful demand for accession.

The writer, a former IGP Sindh, belongs to Gilgit-Baltistan.

Published in Dawn, March 24th, 2025