THE PPP is irrefutably the federal leader party-wise and irrefutably democratically elected, insofar as elections called by a uniformed constitution-wrecker devising a safe exit/linger-on strategy reflect democratic intent.

Most viewed the Musharraf-Bhutto preceding negotiations as brokering a mutually self-serving deal. Benazir justified her approach as transitional. The transition was not completed by her she was most callously assassinated. But the people went to the polls and the process was convincing.

Benazir had refused to restrict herself to virtual campaigning with good reason. It would have made it hard to distinguish her substantial political reality from the puny content characterising her challengers. The Sharifs were at the time excluded from the contest. Also, a real politician dwindles when his/her cut-off from the people is voluntary. Look for instance at where Asfandyar Wali no longer stands today.

After some delay Benazir also clearly declared for constitutionalism as the masses on the side of the deposed Chief Justice understood it. Again as a real politician she had no choice had she desisted she would have lost credentials as a democratic leader.

But did the people who promoted the deal visualise a really democratic politician at the helm? Benazir's intrepid holding out for substance to her political comeback and her resistance of the temptation to settle for a safer enjoyment of office and privilege had swiftly revitalised the political ambience. The people were ready to allow her a third run and quite obviously loved her. Her husband was off the scene as a political player and it was commonly assumed he would stay that way. He was not an electoral asset.

When she was killed, the sense of loss and the grief and horror transcended party lines. It is a measure of her national political stature, not a dehumanisation of the tragedy, to say that part of a reflex response to the crime was the urgent desire to prevent repercussions from making a case for military politics and leadership. Outraged destructive violence had

erupted immediately in Karachi and inner Sindh. Apart from the spontaneity there was evidence of organisational expression.

The violence was spreading rather than subsiding. Her bereaved husband seized the moment to say 'Pakistan khappay' and was heeded by the protesters and rioters to great national relief. The immediate public response to his plea gave him immediate public relevance. It was felt the militarised establishment had been kept at bay.

Mr Asif Zardari had a controversial political past. However, many who questioned his reappearance were reassured by the thought that he remained academically unqualified for electoral candidacy even after the absolving NRO. Despite or perhaps because of the pervasive post-assassination trauma he consolidated personal party pre-eminence rapidly. He advanced himself as the natural political guardian for his and Benazir's children's right to keep leadership of the party. Their firstborn Bilawal was designated chairman or co-chairman alongside his father. The party went along with it. The move was largely interpreted as averting an unedifying pre-electoral struggle within the party hierarchy.

Makhdoom Amin Fahim, Benazir's parliamentary party leader through the long Musharraf years, was accorded a certain kind of prominence initially. Although Mr Zardari did not move swiftly to sideline him publicly, the half-promise that he seemed the likeliest party candidate for the PM's slot was left at that. The new party co-chairman constantly and emotively used his martyred wife's name in taking his steps onward but he was comprehensive in clearing the deck of people like Naheed Khan, known for a deep personal loyalty to Benazir.

It makes little sense that he dispense with Benazir's old guard if bent on the same path. But that he favour a changed hierarchy in handling the party his own way makes much sense. By now it is clear that the PPP under the Zardari-Bhuttos is a different animal. From one point of view that could be a splendid thing. Political parties cannot be left to stagnate in the mould of the lost leader. But if manifesto and conduct are materially inconsistent that is something else, and fresh soundings are needed.

It was inevitable that the PPP lack definition post Benazir's assassination for party organisation was charisma-derived. Mr Zardari lacks charisma, and though his children are ZAB's grandchildren Pakistanis do not take the children seriously. Why is the transfer of the party patent from the second to the third Bhutto generation proving so non-transferable notionally? It is not a matter of gender. Benazir succeeded where Murtaza did not. And the party she led was quite different from what it had been under ZAB. But she won her own spurs and in times of great party adversity. Her Bhutto-by-marriage mother took the party chair when it was a seat of thorns. Begum Bhutto as first lady and Mr Zardari as first husband had quite different public images.

After becoming party co-chairman he had the chance for a new beginning. The new parliament soon annulled the ridiculous graduate clause for candidacy. Mr Zardari did not choose to enter parliament, instead he opted for the immunity and the power of the president. Now virtually unimpeded and unchallengeable he procrastinated on fulfilling public pre-electoral pledges though expeditious with other measures and directives.

In the public image he added political deception to briefs of cronyism and ruthlessness. Where no one seriously blamed the PML-Q for Musharraf's presidential deficiencies, President Zardari's deficiencies are associated with his party springboard. How long can the party sustain this?

It is party lore that no one who challenged the PPP succeeded — they lost their political identity in the process. Today party rankers could well ask what political identity they are keeping? The PPP is an awesome party machine — could it become a Frankenstein for an electorate subjected to its wayward watch?

Consensual parliament appears pleased with the way it is helping the PPP chairman's nominee for PM, along with the president, write Pakistan's democratic narrative. But far too many who elected this very parliament are being let down. The electorate is not politically organised except through party functioning. Dissociated from the parliamentary consensus where will they take their grievances? It is not enough for the army to abstain from politics. The political parties must be more committed to safeguarding the common public interest than their own representatives' lounge-chairs in parliament.