THE PPP government is again facing a crisis. How does one locate its current position on the political landscape? Is a collapse of the government or the political system imminent?

The latest challenges to the government have been real the Kerry-Lugar bill controversy created a civil-military situation; the government's withdrawal of the NRO bill from the parliament in the face of opposition was embarrassing; and the campaign in pursuit of a certain 'minus-one' formula vitiated the atmosphere.

The civilian government's relations with the army have been unsure since last year. There have been points of displeasure between the two sides after the Punjab crisis in March this year. The two had divergent views on the strategy to deal with the Taliban, before the army started its operations in Swat and recently in South Waziristan.

Relations with Nawaz Sharif have been sour for months. Meetings between the two mainstream party leaders did not see a breakthrough. The secret meeting between the army chief and PML-N leaders rekindled the memories of the 1990s, when the opposition sought to cultivate support from extra-parliamentary forces.

Nawaz Sharif's slippage in public opinion can be traced to three factors his party's perceived hobnobbing with the army, meaning the surrender of political initiative to the latter; withdrawal of his demand for Musharraf's trial under the obvious pressure of Saudi Arabia; and giving mixed signals about his commitment to fight terrorism. Additionally, revelations about the Mehran scandal cost him dearly. Nawaz Sharif's loss was Zardari's gain.

Relations with Washington have been tricky. The typical pattern is that the government in Islamabad is strong in dealing with Washington if it is strong at home, and weak in doing so if it is weak here. A diplomatic success of the government such as the passage of the Kerry-Lugar bill by the US Congress can become a political liability if civil-military relations in the country are not on an even keel.

President Zardari's woes are many. First, there is the issue of governance. Shortages of wheat flour, electricity, sugar and now gas, underscored by inflation, have alienated the public at large. Secondly, the middle class remains hostile. Thirdly, the media operates as opposition by default. Finally, the establishment is wary of the Bhutto legacy.

How has the president survived in office in the face of these formidable challenges from a plethora of forces all around? For one thing, he has kept his own house in order. He saved the party from disintegration after Benazir Bhutto's assassination. Later, he led the party to electoral victory and the formation of governments in Islamabad, Karachi and Quetta.

President Zardari got elected into office by drawing support from three out of four provinces. He has given positive signals to the world at large and liberal sections of the public at home about his commitment to contain radicalism and extremism, protect democracy and improve relations with neighbours China, India, Afghanistan and Iran.

Every single transition from military to civilian rule was operationalised through the assumption of power by the PPP, from Yahya to Z. A. Bhutto in 1971, from Zia to Benazir Bhutto in 1988 and from Musharraf to Zardari in 2008. Not surprisingly, the party has appropriated the cause of democracy in Pakistan, which is an irritant for leaders and workers of other parties.

How did the husband of a politician make it to the top? It seems that his political acumen competed with his unenviable reputation, and won. He is popular among large sections of the voting public and unpopular among major parts of the non-voting public. Within the PPP, President Zardari has been able to maintain a stable position while keeping the rank and file of the party united.

But, the threat to the Zardari-Gilani duo is by no means small. The MQM's turnaround could have caused a crisis for the government in terms of keeping its majority in the National Assembly. It conducted parleys with the MQM and sorted out its differences with that party. Will PPP now diversify its alliance partners?

President Zardari has finally shown his willingness to accelerate the process of transfer of controversial powers back to the prime minister and meet the demand for deletion of Article 58-2(b) from the constitution. It was overdue. His power draws essentially and comprehensively on his position as co-chairperson of PPP, not on his position as president. It is strange that his advisers thought otherwise and unnecessarily delayed the process.

Indeed, the civilian presidents, Ghulam Ishaq and Ishaq Leghari, dissolved the National Assembly in cohort with the establishment. They would not have targeted the supreme legislature without the latter's support. That support is not available to President Zardari, Thus, the controversial article will remain inoperative. He would not act against his own party's government. He would be constrained to

avoid such action against the government of a rival party.

How can the government get rid of the NRO and still keep its legitimacy and moral credibility? The recourse to higher courts is billed as the most likely option, given the presidential immunity. A liberal government faces a conservative, even a moralist, judiciary. Will the legal process give the government a much-needed respite?

Given the perceived deficit of governance, the ambition of PML-N for a mid-term election and a much-too-powerful establishment, the current power play is a challenge to democracy. The masses put the government in office but the classes constrain its capacity to govern. There is many a slip between the cup and the lip, i.e. from the entrance to performance legitimacy.

The success of the PPP government lies in not only keeping the current politics-on-the-boil from moving towards the precipice but also cooling down the political temperature. In the longer term, it needs to expand its intellectual potential to churn out ideas and profiles and make its organisational presence in the society visible and credible.