THE massive upheaval caused by militancy and the consequent operations to re-establish the government’s writ in Fata has caused irreparable damage to the old administrative and legal governing system.

The socio-economic landscape and power structure that has emerged in Fata call for a fundamentally new social contract with the people. The need for substantive political reforms is, fortunately, widely recognised across the political spectrum and civil society, though differences exist with respect to the type of political system to be introduced.

The beneficiaries of the old system would like to see the continuation of Fata’s isolation. Now even the extremists favour a separate status for Fata as it suits their agenda. The surprising news in this regard was that of the MQM which, without properly doing its homework, supported the demand for a separate Fata province thus allying itself with powerful vested interests.

The idea of a separate Fata province denies the geographical and cultural oneness and common history of the people of Fata and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP). It perpetuates Fata’s backwardness and makes it susceptible to outside interference and a permanent liability for the state.A more pragmatic and natural option for the empowerment of Fata’s marginalised tribal community would be the integration of the tribal territory with KP, keeping it as a special area.

The Fata region is located between KP and the border with Afghanistan. From 1849-1901 the north-western border was attached to the province of Punjab and comprised areas of the present KP and Fata. Tribal areas were carved out when the erstwhile NWFP was separated from Punjab in 1901. All the plains and relatively accessible areas were included in the province for ease of control and administration.

The remaining area of steep and rugged mountains (3.4 per cent of Pakistan’s land area) was designated as the Tribal Areas. It is a narrow strip of territory extending from north to south along the length of KP. It was an unnatural division of the land and its people, with no consideration for administrative and economic sustainability or the future viability of Fata as an administrative unit.

Its present population is estimated to be nearly four million people, 97 per cent of whom live in the rural areas. Natural resources, including minerals and coal deposits, exist but are under-exploited. Most locals depend on subsistence agriculture since there is little industrial development and few jobs.

The rich tribesmen who talk of a separate Fata province do not invest in Fata. Only seven per cent of the land in Fata is cultivable and that too is badly affected during flash floods. And to make things worse, the economy is completely distorted by the thriving trade in arms, drugs, as well as other forms of cross-border smuggling.

There are limited communication links within the tribal areas and no interdependence of the tribes. Every agency and area is connected to and dependent upon the adjacent district and town of KP. By joining Fata with KP, the province will become a homogeneous territorial unit with a sizeable population and a greater say in national affairs.

The united territory could also make it easier to manage the tense rivalries that exist among the tribes of the region. Moreover, as the effects of events in Fata generally spill over into KP, an integrated and wholesome approach to law and order will be possible.

The populations of Fata and KP population have ethnic consanguinity, a common language, culture, traditions, social values and customs and, above all, deep socio-political and commercial interactions.

The tribal people are dependent for health, education, commerce and other concerns on the nearest towns and cities of KP. A large number of people from every tribe and agency have settled in the adjacent countryside and cities of KP.

The tribes have a very long historical association with the adjacent cities of KP that cannot be overlooked. The Afridis step into Peshawar district the moment they come down from their mountain homes and villages. Peshawar lives in their life stories and folk songs. Bannu is as much a home for tribal persons from North Waziristan, and Tank and Dera Ismail Khan for someone from South Waziristan, as their own villages.

Historically, the administration of KP and Fata remain interwoven. Manpower for Fata is still provided by the province even after the establishment of a separate Fata secretariat.

The Khyber and Orakzai agencies are controlled from their headquarters located in Peshawar and Hangu respectively. The six Frontier Regions of Fata are already overseen from the districts with which they are attached. Moreover, the governor of KP also acts as the president’s agent for Fata, hence the merger of Fata and KP should be a relatively smooth affair Though the need for substantive reform is felt all around yet everything including development activity appears to be on hold due to the ongoing militancy in certain regions. There is a need to regain the initiative from the militants by introducing reforms which can generate positive support from among Fata’s people for the government.

To begin with, the tribal people should be given the option of representation in the KP assembly as was done earlier in the provincial assembly of the defunct West Pakistan.

By giving them, say, about 25 seats in the assembly, the entire tribal areas will be galvanised into positive action. Some areas may still resist change but if reform is coordinated with development and security incentives, it will create a positive demonstration effect which could then be extended to other areas.

The proposed representation along with merger of the Fata’s secretariat with KP will enhance the accountability of government functionaries with regard to the judicious utilisation of Fata’s resources. The move will, in the long run, pave the way for the integration of Fata with KP on the pattern of the Provincially Administered Tribal Areas.

The writer is a retired army officer from Fata.

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