Benazir Bhutto's assassination was a gruesome and horrible act that shook the entire country. Yet it was not totally incomprehensible. Apprehensions about such a cowardice attack were already being expressed not only within the country but also by governments most powerful and most friendly to Pakistan. And these fears came near coming true on the day of her return from exile to Karachi on October 18.

Benazir Bhutto was, though, head of the country's biggest party and a politician of international stature, Sindhis in general had a special relationship and attachment with her. A very large number of Sindhi people loved her without caring for gain or loss and without making her accountable for her deeds of commission or omission. They considered her defender of their rights and embodiment of their hopes and aspirations.

The killers seem to be inept, coward and short sighted. By killing her they have deprived not only People's Party workers of their inspiring figure but the people of Pakistan of a genuine political leader. Most of all they have committed murder of the hopes, aspirations and dreams of millions of Sindhi People.

And the way the government responded to this tragedy was just unconvincing. While whole country was reeling under the ensuing shock, grief and anger, the state handed over this all important matter to a junior official whose non-serious attitude was an insult to the assassinated leader and rubbing salt into the wounds of her mourners.

When grieved Sindhis came on the roads to express their feelings of shock, grief and anguish, they were called criminals and cases were registered against hundreds of thousands of them. There is no doubt that those flooding the roads from Karachi to Kashmore on the evening of December 27 were not only the PPP workers but the majority of them were common Sindhis and that their reaction was instant and natural. It happened in a matter of few minutes after the news of BB's assassination.

While registering their protest, Sindhi people acted with political maturity. They targeted their anger at government apparatus but were careful enough to avoid human casualties. Scores of vehicles were burnt but not a single person was hurt. Dozens of train bogies were put to torch but only after making sure that each and every passenger was safely taken out. Not only that, Sindhi people, even in this traumatic situation, did not lose their traditional hospitality and looked after thousands of passengers in their homes for days and made arrangements for their safe return to their homes.

However, on second and third day some criminal elements did intrude taking advantage of the volatile situation. And often criminals, at least in this part of the world, operate under the shadow of government agencies. In this case, the absence of law-enforcers from the scenes of loot and theft adequately proves the point.

The way government (mis)handled the post-assassination situation, from washing away of the incident site to the contradictory statements of different state functionaries (up to the highest level) about the cause and the people behind the murder, strengthens the view that state, at least part of it, is involved in the matter. But if, for the sake of argument, we accept that the killing shots were fired by militants, even then the over-all responsibility of this incident falls on the state.

The state has time and again made the people believe that the solution to all the issues and disputes lies in the gun-power. The collective will of Bengali people (1971) was crushed by sending tanks to the streets of Dhaka, the political decision of Baloch people (1948 and 1970s) was rejected with the force of the cannon and Sindhi people demanding restoration of 1973 Constitution were subjected to bombs and bullets. Nawab Akber Bugti and Balach Marri were killed when they voiced the Baloch demand for ownership of their resources. Before that Pakistan's first elected prime minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was hanged by the ruling military junta.

Many questions that have been simmering in the hearts and minds of the people of Sindh, and those of Balochistan about how the state should be rehaped, for quite some time, have now become more complex with what happened at Liaqat Bagh. Whenever Bengali, Baloch, Sindhi and Pakhtoon nationalists raised their voice for their genuine demands, they were labelled secessionists and foreign agents. But the People's Party and its leadership has always aligned itself the politics of strong centre and taken pride in combating nationalist movements. Then why leaders of this party have been targeted?

Benazir's whole political life has revolved around 1973 constitution. She struggled for its restoration when the military was in power and tried to strengthen it when she herself was in power. Isn't it an astonishing scenario? People, especially those from Sindh, are unable to figure out the decisive factors in Pakistan's power politics.

What are the common factors between Sindhi and Baloch nationalists and Benazir Bhutto which make them share a common fate? The answer is clear and simple. There is nothing common between the nationalists and Benezir Bhutto as such except that both belong to the oppressed nationalities. And the main difference between Benezir Bhutto and Pervez Musharaf was that she wanted to run the country with the will of the people as per 1973 Constitution while he likes to rule the country with the power of the gun as per his personal will and whim.

Owing to its oppressive character, most Sindhi people had already lost faith in the state. However some of them, being part of an agricultural society, had pinned their hopes for a better future on the person of Benezir Bhutto. After what happened on December 27, many of them are reluctant to look towards the state. They have little expectations, nor they see any positive change taking place within the state.

Most Sindhis now look to the democratic, progressive and rational sections of the people of the country for a change in this situation of hopelessness. And certainly this change would have to come from outside the prevailing system. And, to begin with, determination of some fundamental questions is becoming necessary. It would have to be decided, once for all, whether this country will be ruled with the will of the people or with the power of the gun. People of all the federating units should be assured that they enjoy the same status and same rights. n

The writer is a leader of Jiye-Sindh Mahaz