A leaf from history : Zia reneges on poll pledge
Amidst the overhaul instituted by General Ziaul Haq’s regime, the future of the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) had appeared uncertain. There were two main reasons for this: first, because of Bhutto’s ouster from government for the time being; and second, the simmering dispute among component parties over the allocation of seats in the next elections.
Asghar Khan of Tehrik-i-Istiqalal and Maulana Noorani of Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam were unrelenting on their stance. They wanted a major share in government, hoping that the Military Council would be inclined towards them forming a government. Khan attended the first PNA meeting held on Aug 7 but did not show up later — this sparked the speculation that the PNA had died a natural death.
As the political scenario began to heat up, some PNA leaders tried their best to keep the alliance intact. At last, during the August 25 meeting, Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam’s Mufti Mahmood had to deny those rumours. He was followed by Asghar Khan, Sardar Sherbaz Mazari, Begum Nasim Wali Khan and Pir Pagara in quelling news of infighting.
And yet, differences among the Alliance leaders were quite conspicuous.
On Aug 8, PNA chief Mufti Mahmood called on Gen Zia to seek some clarifications. Gen Zia reaffirmed that elections would be held as scheduled, that the army would be withdrawn from Balochistan one month before polling, a general amnesty would be extended to all in Balochistan and that political detainees would be acquitted and legal cases against them withdrawn.
Gen Zia then decided to address the citizenry directly to assure people that polls will be held on Oct 18, as scheduled. He chose Independence Day (Aug 14, 1977) for his address: “If any party interrupts the process of attaining the objective for which the armed forces had taken action, it would be treated as anti-state and will be dealt with severely. … My leniency should not be treated as weakness.”
Referring to an incident in Peshawar on August 11, when PPP workers had become unruly, the general warned Zulfikar Ali Bhutto that no such incidents would be tolerated in future and that political leaders would be held responsible for rowdy mobs.
On Aug 27, Bhutto called on Gen Zia — a meeting that lasted a little less than three hours, with issues such as the mechanism for holding fair and free elections sans any victimisation also on the agenda. Bhutto had of course been travelling from one town to another, speaking about the coup and the prevalent situation that the country found itself in.
By then, Gen Zia seemed to have made up his mind up regarding the country’s future: he told Bhutto that there was immense pressure on him to have legal cases against him (Bhutto) decided by the courts before the polls. Bhutto was also told that if some cases were sent to the judiciary, he should refrain from creating any hindrance. In fact, Gen Zia wanted to show that he bore no ill will towards Bhutto, but insisted that if the cases were there and needed to be decided on merit.
After the meeting, however, it appeared that all of Gen Zia’s assurances of holding election on October 18 were only meant for public consumption.
In a press interview with a US news agency on Aug 17, Gen Zia provided a hint of postponing polls: “If everything is accomplished as planned, power can be transferred by Oct 28.”
Two days later, Asghar Khan was the first to indicate that the elections were being postponed, that too indefinitely. On Aug 30, as he spoke to media representatives in Lahore, he demanded that all legal cases against Bhutto and other leaders should be decided before the elections. Mahmood Ali Kasuri supported him immediately, as others weighed the suggestion.
On Sept 1, 1977, Gen Zia called a press conference that lasted for about five hours. While tackling a range of topics — political and otherwise — Gen Zia appeared more inclined towards politics this time around. Like Ayub Khan before him, Zia, too, showed little respect for politicians and said that the nation could only be united by the army and not by politicians.
He also declared that a new law was being promulgated, through which all candidates of the provincial and national assemblies would have to declare their assets, from Jan 1, 1970 till date. They would have to furnish an affidavit to the effect that if they had held a public office, they did not use the positions for any personal gain.
Journalists were also told about fresh measures being planned to extend greater facilities to the people. These included denationalisation, more loans to farmers and lifting of the ban on trade unions.
But perhaps, more important to Gen Zia was talk of elections. He said that polls could be postponed for some days or weeks, but not months. Justifying the postponement of polls, he said, “It is not in the Holy Quran nor has it been sent as a revelation that elections will be held on Oct 18 and that nothing will happen thereafter. In my opinion, the presidential system is closer to Islam and is more suitable for Pakistan. I will put it up to the National Assembly on Oct 28, and leave the decision to the next government.”
Sardar Sherbaz Mazari and Mairaj Mohammad Khan (once a PPP stalwart) joined the chorus of “accountability first”. Asghar Khan had already demanded trial followed by elections.
There was no immediate reaction to Gen Zia’s announcement, but two days later, Maulana Maududi rejected the postponement and demanded that elections be held on Oct 18 and all legal cases against politicians decided before that. Many right-wing parties backed the postponement following Maududi’s declaration.
Next week: Bhutto’s dramatic arrest in a murder caseshaikhaziz38@gmail.com
Published in Dawn, Sunday Magazine, May 18th, 2014