MALIK Ishaq, co-founder and leader of a faction of the Lashkar-i-Jhangvi — by most accounts Pakistan’s most active sectarian terrorist group — lived a violent life and met a violent end on the outskirts of the Punjab town of Muzaffargarh on Wednesday.

Questions remain about the way the militant leader was killed; the reported details don’t quite add up, strengthening the view that he was eliminated in a staged encounter.

There is no argument that extrajudicial killings are unacceptable; eliminating suspects in such a manner creates ‘martyrs’ and serves to further radicalise supporters of extremist groups.

There is a lesson here that absolutely has to be learned if there is a viable way forward: the feared militant spent years behind bars but could not be convicted in court – not necessarily because he was innocent, but because witnesses were too terrified to testify against him, while the broken justice system could not build a watertight case against him.

To achieve success in countering terrorism and militancy, the authorities must arrest, prosecute and punish militants through legal means.

The dysfunctional justice system needs to be fixed and effective protection programmes for witnesses, prosecutors and judges dealing with terrorism cases need to be in place.

In the bigger picture, for a long time, there has been criticism (much of it justified) that the state — particularly the Punjab administration — has not done enough to tackle militancy.

There has even been criticism that elements within the Punjab government have hobnobbed with sectarian figures.

Hence, is Malik Ishaq’s killing the first clear sign that the Punjab leadership has decided to pursue a more proactive counterterrorism policy?

It is possible, though some observers feel it is actually the military establishment that has taken the initiative.

Questions also persist about the state’s intent in going after militants across the board. For example, on the day Malik Ishaq was killed, Rafiq Mengal, a key sectarian leader in Balochistan, was arrested in Quetta and taken into custody after he led a demonstration protesting the militant’s killing.

Why have cases not already been registered against such elements that publicly display their sympathies and support for operatives of banned outfits?

In order to uproot militancy, amongst other things the state must also prosecute the sympathisers and accomplices of militants in political garb.

If the establishment persists with the thoroughly discredited ‘good militant, bad militant’ line of thought, the belief that it is being selective in its anti-militancy measures will persist.

Published in Dawn, July 31st, 2015

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