MR Ghulam Mohammad assumes charge of his duties, as the third Governor-General of Pakistan, at a time when the nation’s grief and distress at the dastardly assassination of Quaid-i-Millat Liaquat Ali Khan is exceeded only by its determination to defend Pakistan’s integrity and solidarity and to secure the just settlement of the Kashmir problem at all hazards. His elevation to the office held by the Quaid-i-Azam himself is a befitting tribute to his great qualities as one of the builders of this State. In accepting the honour Mr Ghulam Mohammad has bravely put duty before convenience.
Before Quaid-i-Azam, with his unerring eye for talent, appointed him Finance Minister of this State, Mr Ghulam Mohammad had earned his great reputation as a sound financier and skilled administrator during a long period of service in undivided India and some of the Indian States. The opponents of Pakistan had almost convinced the whole world that the projected State was not viable; it had neither finance, nor industry, nor administrative talent. This reasoning, backed by formidable “facts and figures” noised at home and abroad, had made the ill-wishers of Pakistan jubilant and its votaries nervous. It fell to men like Mr Ghulam Mohammad to refute this propaganda with positive achievements. His very first Budget revealed to the amazement of the world that Pakistan could shoulder the burden of Statehood.
Left to himself Mr Ghulam Mohammad might have preferred a well-earned life of retirement. But like a disciplined soldier he has accepted all the cares inseparable from the headship of the State in this time of emergency. It is indeed fortunate that his versatile talent, mature judgment, and undoubted courage will continue to be actively exercised in the service of the State.
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UNIVERSITY CLOSED AFTER LANGUAGE TROUBLES
DAWN February 23, 1952 (Editorial)
Dacca tragedy
ALL Pakistan will grieve and our enemies will derive comfort and cheer from the tragic happenings at Dacca. First and foremost we offer homage to those who have paid the forfeit of their lives in the conflict between their convictions on the one hand, and the principle that law and order shall be maintained, on the other hand. There is no doubt that they have sacrifised their young lives for a cause they passionately believed in, whatever course of action that belief might have led them to. Their memory deserves respect and will endure. We also grieve that so many others should have received physical hurt, and extend our sympathy to them.
This tragedy becomes doubly so because while there is no doubt that the vast majority of the students and others who staged the demonstrations were actuated by sincere convictions and acted in their own light as true Pakistanis, there must have been elements mingled with them and no doubt adding fuel to their honest fervour, who were agents of our enemies.
Such elements have infiltrated into many walks of Pakistani life and chosen East Pakistan as the first target because they believe that if they can disrupt that part of Pakistan first, then half their nefarious battle will be won.
In their understandable zeal for a language they cherish and in their larger love for Pakistan as a whole, many an honest East Pakistan enthusiast repeatedly misses this fact and is unable to guard against this danger. This is the deeper tragedy that underlies the tragedy of the present Dacca incidents.
But every dark cloud has a silver lining and out of these grievous happenings has emerged the final knowledge of how deeply our people and our kith and kin in East Pakistan feel on the language issue. This knowledge had been growing for quite some time and now the Chief Minister of East Pakistan himself got the Provincial Legislature to pass a resolution that Bengali share with Urdu the honour of being adopted as one of our common motherland‘s state languages. The issue is thus settled and the Constituent Assembly, we are confident, will accept this position and act accordingly when the appropriate time comes. We can assure the people of East Pakistan that the people of West Pakistan will not grudge them the equality with Urdu which Bengali has at last won.
Let by common consent the curtain be rung down on this sad and tragic episode — except that the promised enquiry should be held to determine whether firing was necessary.
No Government can permit lawlessness accompanied by violence to subvert the tranquillity of the State, specially when enemy agents are ever on the alert to turn such disorders to their own nefarious purposes. In Bharat, too, ugly incidents necessitating recourse to use of force against citizens and students have happened many times. But the question of questions is – would damage to life and property have been caused had not the police opened fire? This question must be answered by competent and reliable authorities.
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PUNJAB EXPLAINS POSITION ON LIAQUAT ASSASSINATION
DAWN August 26, 1952 (Editorial)
Lahore’s apologia
THE Punjab Government’s Press Note is provocative and undignified. It accuses what it calls “the Karachi Press” of “causing misunderstanding” and also of “malice”. For our part we refuse to be dragged into a controversy of that sort. Almost all the newspapers of Karachi, despite other differences with them, have expressed more or less identical views on the inadequacy of the action taken by the Punjab Government and on the desirability of the Centre taking the matter in its own hands. By suggesting that this was a deliberate attempt on the part of “the Karachi Press” to “cause misunderstanding regarding the action of the Punjab Government,” the draftsman of the Press Note has only exposed his own superiors to ridicule.
The Press Note says nothing new that was not already known to the public. It is a lame apologia which harps on the same arguments that have been already dealt with by public commentators. A few questions may be asked. First, is it not true that when the Central Government consulted the two Provincial Governments concerned as to what should be done with the Report of the Commission, the NWFP Government expressed itself in favour of publishing the Report, while the Punjab Government was in favour of suppressing passages which contained strictures on the Punjab Police? Second, is it not true that it was the Centre which eventually impressed upon the Punjab Government the undesirability of suppressing any portions of the Report? Add to this the Punjab’s attempt to justify the shooting of Said Akbar by Sub-Inspector Mohammad Shah, and further attempt to persuade the Commission to accept the theory that the assassin was motivated by religious fanaticism, and you have the reasons for public scepticism in a nutshell.
We indeed feel sorry for the Chief Minister, Mr Mumtaz Daultana, who, it seems to us, is being singularly ill-served by his sub-ordinates and ill-advised by his advisers.
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RELIGIOUS LEADERS WANT VETO POWER
DAWN January 24, 1953 (Editorial)
Ulemacracy!
THIRTYTHREE Ulema “of various shades and opinions” have disapproved of the proposal of the Basic Principles Committee to set up Boards of Ulema in the Centre and the Provinces in order to advise whether a particular Bill passed by any House of legislature is “repugnant to the Holy Quran and the Sunnah”. So has this newspaper disapproved of that proposal along with many other sections of the public and the Press. But the alternative which the Ulema have suggested is far more dangerous and unacceptable. They want the final right to veto any legislation to vest in themselves. In other words, they are aiming at nothing short of theocracy.
The Ulema have suggested that five of them attached to the Supreme Court should decide whether a law is Islamic or un-Islamic. The Supreme Court has been mentioned in this connection in a most misleading manner, because the Ulema are not prepared to leave such a decision to a normal Supreme Court composed of the usual judges; they want that five Ulema should comprise a sort of special supreme court for this purpose. We wonder whether the esteemed Ulema who formulated such a proposal after such prolonged deliberations, took the trouble to read the Objectives Resolution from which all the constitutional proposals must necessarily flow. Had they done so they would have read in that Resolution the following:
“In the name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful;
Whereas sovereignty over the entire Universe belongs to God Almighty alone, and the authority which He has delegated to the State of Pakistan through its people for being exercised within the limits prescribed by Him is a sacred Trust; This Constituent Assembly, representing the people of Pakistan, resolves to frame a Constitution for the sovereign independent State of Pakistan; Wherein the State shall exercise its powers and authority through the chosen representatives of the people; Wherein the principles of democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance and social justice as enunciated by Islam, shall be fully observed.” The Objectives Resolution has clearly laid down that the Constitution-makers of Pakistan should proceed on the basis that as far as the State of Pakistan is concerned, God has delegated His sovereignty to the people of Pakistan, that the powers and the authority of the State (which includes the power of legislation) shall be exercised by the chosen representatives of the people, and that it shall be such a Constitution that in it the principle of democracy shall be fully observed.
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INDUS WATER DISPUTE FLARES UP
DAWN February 15, 1953 (Editorial)
No less than war
WHAT is war? It is a means of reducing the enemy to a position of helplessness by inflicting losses and causing destruction. In a declared war this is sought to be done with weapons and armaments. But modern aggressors have created a new tradition – that of undeclared wars, in some of which the reduction of their victims may be sought through the direct method of using arms and armaments, or through indirect methods no less devastating in effect.
Pakistan can no longer ignore the stark fact that Bharat is already at war with her – an undeclared war, but no less cunningly planned or relentlessly pursued. The grim story of the stoppage of Pakistan’s share of the canal waters which has just been narrated by our Government in an official publication leaves no one in any doubt about it. It is not a story altogether unknown to the world, but the world will know from it for the first time how deliberately planned is this warfare of Bharat against Pakistan, what losses it has already caused to our country and how tremendous will be the devastation if it is not checked. In short, the world will know now from the irrefutable fact and figures marshalled in the pages of this publication that Bharat is well on the way to reducing the 76 million people of Pakistan to utter starvation and economic ruin. If her rulers do not desist, or are not prevented from pursuing this ruthless course, then they may well achieve their designs against Pakistan without firing a single shell or dropping a single bomb.
Bharat’s war of water denial has increased in its ruthlessness from one crop season to another. It is to this particular problem that the World Bank Mission must immediately apply itself. We would conclude with the words of Mr David Lilienthal, whom the Government’s publications quote: “It is pure dynamite, a Punjab powder keg. Peace in the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent is not in sight with these inflammables lying around”.
And we would point out that although Pakistan is indebted to this American authority for drawing the attention of his countrymen as well as the world to the grave problem that threatens the peace of the Bharat-Pakistan sub-continent, it is also the lavish American aid which Bharat has received, and is still receiving that enables her rulers to divert their resources for the intensification of the war of devastation against our country and our people.
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LAHORE UNDER MARTIAL LAW AFTER ANTI-AHMADI RIOTS
DAWN March 8, 1953 (Editorial)
No more chances
THE local authorities in the Punjab having failed to maintain law and order and protect the life and property of the people of Lahore, the Central Government have been compelled to promulgate martial law and place the city under a Military Administrator. In doing so they have discharged a responsibility that ultimately belongs to them. The earlier hope that the Provincial Government would act firmly and prove equal to the task was subsequently belied. It is inconceivable that the situation could have deteriorated in the manner it did if full advantage had been taken of the available resources for suppressing lawlessness. None who loves Pakistan will dispute for a moment the imperative need for swift and rigorous action to prevent mobs from systematically running amok. Nor do sensible people any longer doubt the existence of an enemy-inspired conspiracy behind the present determined attack on the security of our State. The people will, therefore, heave a sigh of relief at the promulgation of martial law and give to the Government their fullest support and cooperation in the restoration of law and order.
However regrettable the fact may be, it is now clear enough that the present grave troubles in Lahore and in some other places of the Punjab are the direct results of a prolonged policy of weakness. While the Centre seemed to look on and hope for the best, in the Province itself propaganda of the most inflammatory type was allowed to be carried on for months on end through every conceivable media, including the Press, the pulpit and the public platform.
Recent developments have brought to the forefront the basic fact that if Pakistan’s internal security is to be properly safeguarded the Centre’s writ must run at all times throughout the length and breadth of the country in both its wings. More serious consideration must now be given to this aspect of our Constitution than it has received so far. Meanwhile, we hope that the firmness of the Military Administration will not only bring the situation quickly under control but also reduce the loss of life and property. From what has been already done it can be expected that should the need arise, the jurisdiction of the Military Administration will be extended. Quite obviously, no more chances can be taken.
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PRIME MINISTER DISMISSED BY GOVERNOR-GENERAL
DAWN April 19, 1953 (Editorial)
A healthy change