Future as freedom
WHEN a country prepares itself for general elections, it invariably faces two questions: which party will win, and who will form the government? Not Pakistan. Here the questions that are asked are: Will general elections be held? Will they be held on time? Will a democratic disposition be able to hold its own? Or will a ruthless dictatorship be imposed in the name of good governance, eliminating corruption and controlling anarchy control?
The season of general elections has arrived in Pakistan. Elections are due by the middle of next year, and all sorts of rumours about what the future holds are making the rounds. Federico Mayor, former DG of Unesco, once observed that “the future is freedom — for the most part, it will be exactly what we make it”. However, Pakistan has often been denied this future. Often imposed is a dead future proclaiming the demise of the demos (people). The quest for the future as freedom continues.
So what should be done to ensure that a dead future is not forced upon us again? Of course, the battle for democracy has to be waged everywhere and those bent on imposing a future which is ‘un-freedom’ should be exposed.
Ayub and Mirza left a new future waiting at the gate.
Likewise, the past needs to be visited as a new journey, and ordinary people informed as to how the future, which could have meant freedom, was bled during the early years of Pakistan by the troika of governor general Ghulam Muhammad, Maj Gen Iskander Mirza and Gen Ayub Khan.
Iskander Mirza — who was exiled on this day 49 years ago — and Ayub Khan were close friends. Both hated democracy and despised politicians, both worked overtime to engineer political instability, and disallowed the future as freedom to enter the country. However, the fear of elections and of another future, a different future, always hounded them. They had successfully postponed the general elections due in 1957 and 1958, but they couldn’t postpone elections forever. Polls were now due in February 1959.
Mirza was not sure if the new government formed after the elections would be as submissive as the preceding ones, and if he could be re-elected president by the new assemblies. Likewise, Ayub had his own worries. The last extension in his service was to expire in January 1959, and a further extension was unlikely.
Being fearful of a different future hard on their heels, both joined hands and aborted the expected elections by imposing martial law on Oct 7, 1958, abrogating the constitution, dismissing the central and provincial governments, dissolving the national parliament and provincial assemblies, and abolishing all political parties. Explaining the move to thwart the future which was so near, Mirza observed: “The constitution of 23rd March, 1956, is not only unworkable but dangerous to the integrity — and solidarity — of Pakistan. If we go on trying to work it we will have to say goodbye to Pakistan” (Pakistan: From Religion to Fascism by Muhammad Ali Siddiqi).
Likewise, Ayub in his first speech after the coup said: “This is a drastic and extreme step, taken with great reluctance, but with the fullest conviction that there was no alternative to it except the disintegration and ruination of the country” (The Army and Democracy: Military Politics in Pakistan by Aqil Shah).
Meanwhile, power began to grow out of the barrel of the gun of chief martial law administrator Ayub Khan, and Mirza felt uncomfortable. This was not the future he had designed for himself. According to Ahmed Salim in Iskander Mirza Speaks, he attempted to regain his slipping power by declaring that martial law would run for the shortest period, reportedly tried to get some trusted generals of Ayub arrested (Mirza vehemently denied this charge), and initiated yet another move to checkmate Ayub. He constituted a new council of ministers comprising three military generals and five civilians, and nominated Ayub as prime minister. Perhaps the aim was to quickly lift martial law and appoint a new commander in chief to weaken Ayub’s position, and to remove him from premiership at an opportune moment.
But this was not to be. On the night of Oct 27, 1958, Ayub sent Gen K.M. Sheikh, Gen Azam Khan and Gen W.A. Burki along with military personnel to storm President House and obtain the written consent of the president to abdicate. The task was accomplished swiftly and Ayub stayed in power till March 1969. All these years, the future which was freedom kept waiting at the gate. Gen Ayub is gone. Also gone are Gen Zia and Gen Musharraf, but the future which is freedom still waits at the gate.
The writer is a peace scholar and former chairperson of the International Relations Department at Karachi University.
Published in Dawn, November 2nd, 2017