DONALD Trump may have lost the election but Trumpism is not defeated. The right-wing populism that the outgoing American president championed is still a powerful movement, as demonstrated by the surge in the votes cast in his favour. He received more than 70 million of the counted votes, significantly higher than what he got in 2016.

The nail-biting contest only goes to show that Trumpian populism has taken much deeper roots in four years of maverick rule. The heavy turnout of voters illustrated the existing polarisation in American society that is likely to intensify despite electoral setbacks for the right wing. The 2020 presidential election has reinforced the view that American populism is there to stay and may even take a more aggressive turn.

That should come as a wake-up call for those who have predicted the ‘end-of-life cycle’ for nationalist populism in the United States and beyond. Notwithstanding its failure to deliver, the phenomenon is far from over. It is true not only for the United States but also other countries swept by rising ultranationalist movements.

Surely, the rise of the current phase of national populism predates Trump, but his holding sway in the world’s greatest power had given impetus to such movements that have swept across a number of European and other countries. The Brexit vote in Britain is a glaring example of the ascendancy of nationalism. It has become synonymous with the nationalist isolationism and anti-globalisation wave that brought Trump to power.

There are a number of other countries that are now ruled by right-wing nationalist populist regimes with authoritarian tendencies. National populism often combines right-wing politics and populist rhetoric. Hungary, Brazil, the Philippines, India and Turkey may be the most prominent examples of nations ruled by populist leaders. But there are many other countries that are witnessing the rise of this phenomenon in different shades and forms.

The surge in right-wing nationalism in France, Germany, Italy and some Eastern European countries points to this. The economic downturn, rising unemployment and a fear of growing immigrant populations are major factors reinforcing right-wing nationalist sentiments in these countries. The ultranationalist groups in Europe are generally associated with ideologies similar to Trump’s, such as anti-environmentalism, anti-globalisation, nativism and protectionism. They are all known for their strong opposition to immigration from Muslim countries.

In recent years, European countries have witnessed growing support for nationalist populist movements, such as the National Rally (formerly the National Front) in France, the League in Italy, the Party for Freedom and the Forum for Democracy in the Netherlands, the Freedom Party of Austria, and the UK Independence Party.

There are some strong indications that extreme right-wing nationalist groups could be swept into power in some of these countries. Some recent incidents of violence involving Islamist extremists come in handy for the right-wing groups to whip up nationalist sentiments in France close to the elections. Most of these groups have drawn encouragement from the rise of Trumpism in America. For national populist leaders around the globe, Trump became a source of inspiration, and many of them imitated his style too.

The rise of neo-Nazism in some Western countries is a symptom of their racist politics and populism. Most worrisome is the prospect of Trumpian populism prevailing in other countries. Over the past years, there has been a notable rise of more virulent nationalism. Anti-immigration sentiments have strengthened right-wing extremist nationalism.

Populist leaders often use anti-elitist and anti-establishment rhetoric, and claim to be speaking for the ‘common people’, but their politics mostly strengthen elitism. National populist regimes, though coming into power through democratic processes, invariably become authoritarian and suppress democratic rights. Democracy has suffered in almost all the countries ruled by nationalist populist leaders, as is the case of India and Turkey.

Muscular nationalism, majoritarianism and populism are the most definite manifestations of the fascistic ideology that now seems to be on the rise in various parts of the world. The ascendancy of authoritarian strongmen is causing the rollback of liberal democratic values. The most dangerous fascist trait is the new virulent nationalism that seeks to assert racist, political and cultural hegemony, thus threatening not only democratic processes within states but also regional security.

India under Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been losing its secular character and establishing oppressive majoritarian rule. The Indian action to annex the occupied territory of Kashmir and attempt to destroy Kashmiri identity is also a part of muscular nationalism under a Hindu majoritarian regime. It is not just a matter of territorial occupation but also a move to turn a religious community into a minority. Driven by RSS ideology, Modi is trying to turn India into a Hindu rashtra and marginalise other religious communities.

Trump had developed excellent personal relations with muscular nationalist leaders like Modi. Trump’s friendly ties with the India leader were well-known. The American president expressed his solidarity with Modi at a massive rally in Houston last year at a time when the Indian leader was being castigated for a law discriminating against Muslims. Earlier this year, Trump praised the Hindu nationalist leader, saying, “He wants people to have religious freedom and very strongly.”

It is not surprising that Indian and other right-wing nationalist leaders had bet on Trump’s victory. With Trump’s exit, the right-wing autocrats and nationalistic movements across the globe have lost their ideological patron. But it is not an end to global Trumpism that has gained ground in many European and Asia countries.

Trump’s strong showing in the election keeps alive his radical nationalist ideology that has not only divided America but has also impacted the world. His narrow defeat may embolden the global arch conservative and nationalist populist movements. The new American leadership faces a massive challenge not only to bridge the divide in America intensified by Trumpism but also to change the country’s foreign policy course. It is certainly not going to be easy to unite an extremely polarised nation and a disrupted global order.

The writer is an author and journalist.

zhussain100@yahoo.com

Twitter: @hidhussain

Published in Dawn, November 11th, 2020