Muhammad Akbar Notezai

Kalat, with three NA and nine PA seats, is home to the Raisani, Zehri, Mengal and Bizenjo tribes

THE seven districts of Kalat division, also referred to as the central Balochistan belt, play a crucial role in the electoral politics of the province, also home to many a chief minister over the past several decades.

With three National Assembly and nine provincial assembly seats, the division is a hotbed of political activity — both nationalist and traditional. According to Quetta-based analyst Khaliq Rind, these central districts showcase “Baloch politics in all its colours”.

Since the 1970s, the provincial chief executives have come from Mengals based in Wadh, Raisanis of Mastung, Zehris in Khuzdar, and the Bizenjos of Awaran.

Read more: The facade of democracy: How mainstream parties ensure Balochistan’s political stagnation

Khaliq Rind refers to this trend as the “political enigma” of Balochistan’s central districts based around Kalat, which was also a former princely state ruled by the Khan of Kalat till 1948.

Referring to pre-partition politics, Mr Rind terms the region a “centre of political awareness” since the 1930s, when the Kalat State National Party was formed. Due to these political currents, electoral politics is still strong in this region, he argues. In the late 1960s, the emergence of the student group Baloch Students Organi­sation paved the way for grassroots politics and effectively turned “tribal pillars into political pillars”.

Kalat, with three NA and nine PA seats, is home to the Raisani, Zehri, Mengal and Bizenjo tribes

During the same period, nationalist political parties also made their presence felt. For instance, the National Awami Party (NAP) formed its government in Balochistan in the 1970s, led by then-CM Ataullah Mengal. Then-PM Zulfikar Ali Bhutto subsequently banned it.

Though politically aware but “fragmented”, these areas nowadays are dominated by a few political families, including the nationalist Mengals based in Khuzdar.

‘Mengals in Khuzdar’

In Khuzdar, Akhtar Mengal of the Balochistan National Party (BNP-M) is up against notorious Shafiq Mengal, who allegedly has ties with militant outfits. Akhtar’s father Ataullah Mengal rose to fame as a nationalist leader and also became the CM in the NAP government.

For long, Mengals have been at loggerheads with the establishment. In 1954, Ataullah became the ‘sardar’ of the Mengal tribe and despite efforts, military dictator Ayub Khan could not dislodge him. After the NAP government was ended by Bhutto, Mr Mengal’s differences with the establishment only grew. In 1997, his son Akhtar Mengal became the CM.

This time, he is contesting on NA-261 (Surab-cum-Kalat-cum-Mastung) and NA-256 (Khuzdar) and a provincial assembly seat, PB-20. In NA-256, his rival is Shafiq Mengal whereas in NA-261, he will contest against ex-CM Sanaullah Zehri and JUI-F’s Abdul Ghafoor Haideri.

‘Jams’ of Lasbella

After Ghulam Qadir Khan Alyani, then ruler of Lasbella state, joined Pakistan at the time of partition, the relationship between the ‘Jams’ and the establishment only grew stronger. Jam Qadir became the CM twice: in 1973 after the ouster of NAP, and in 1985.

His son Jam Qadir Yousaf became the CM in 2002 during the dictator Pervez Musharraf’s regime. Jam Kamal followed in the footsteps of his father and grandfather and became the chief executive in 2018 on the Balo­chistan Awami Party (BAP) platform.

Now, he is in the PML-N contesting from NA-267 (Lasbella-Awaran) and PB-32. Observers consider Jam Kamal a fine example of ‘turncoats’ and electables in the province.

Zehri factor

A former PML-N chief minister, Sardar Sanaullah Zehri, will contest polls from PB-18 (Khuzdar) on a PPP ticket against his stepbrother Mir Israr Zehri. Except for the 1990s, Sardar Zehri has always retained his constituency. He entered mainstream politics on the Pakistan National Party (PNP) platform of Mir Ghaus Buksh Bizenjo and remained the Baloch stalwart’s staunch follower till his death in 1989.

In the 1990s, Sardar Zehri became an MPA on PNP’s ticket. In the 1990s, he served in the cabinets of Taj Muhammad Jamali and Zulfikar Ali Magsi. He has switched multiple parties in the past, but his position remains strong in the region because he heads the Zehri tribe. Observers say his approach to politics is “increasingly tribal” as well.

In PB-35 (Surab), Mir Zafarullah Zehri of JUI-F and Mir Niamat Zehri of the PPP, stepbrothers of Sanaullah Zehri, will contest against each other for the provincial assembly seat.

Raisanis in Mastung

The Raisani tribe in Mastung is a key political player in the province. Its patriarch Aslam Raisani became the CM in the PPP government after the 2008 polls, whereas his father Ghous Baksh Raisani had served as the governor of Balochistan.

Aslam recently joined the JUI-F, whereas his opponent is Nawab Mohammad Khan Shahwani, an independent candidate from Mastung for PB-37. The vote bank of Mastung’s largest tribe Bangulzai has been divided this time, because Sardar Kamal Khan Bangulzai of the National Party and Noor Ahmed Bangulzai are also contesting for the same seat. In this part of the province, JUI-F has a sizable vote bank, which will boost the chances of the Raisani sardar winning elections. Similarly, his rival is supported by the BNP led by Akhtar Mengal. In PB-35 (Kalat), Sardar Saeed Langove is contesting on a JUI-F ticket against Langove brothers, Khalid and Zia Longove who won the last two elections. Saeed Langove, who has been losing polls with slim margins, hopes to clinch the seat.

In PB-21, Sardar Saleh Bhootani, the provincial chief of the BAP, will contest against PPP’s Ali Hassan Zehri, and Raja Ali Rind among others. This constituency is the stronghold of the Bhootani family.

Bizenjos of Naal and Awaran

Their elder Ghous Buksh Bizenjo is considered the father of politics in the province for his astute political ways. However, in the recent past, no one from his family made it to the provincial assembly. The delimitation in 2018 hurt their chances of bagging a seat.

Journalist Saleem Shahid said the delimitation ended so many traditional vote banks in the province; such is the tale of the Bizenjos of Naal. Sardar Aslam Bizenjo used to win from their bastion of Naal in Khuzdar. Though an influential political figure, Ghous Buksh Bizenjo is said to have “become Islamabad-friendly” in the latter period of his life, which led him to be defeated in elections by his own disciples in 1988. “One of them was Manzoor Gichki,” says Khaliq Rind.

In PB-19, the contest is between Younas Aziz Zehri of JUI-F, Sardar Aslam Bizenjo of the NP, and Shakeel Durrani of the PPP.

As the Naal family is down on their luck, the pro-state Bizenjos of Awaran are taking advantage of their proximity to the establishment. Its scion Abdul Quddus Bizenjo was the outgoing chief minister for the BAP government. He, however, is in the PPP now.

Another Bizenjos from Awaran was Abdul Karim Bizenjo, who won the elections in 1977 elections on a PPP ticket. At the time, Karim Bizenjo’s role was anti-NAP in Balochistan.

After his death, his brother Majeed Bizenjo was elected from Awaran in 1985 non-party elections during dictator Ziaul Haq’s tenure. In 2002, his son Quddus became a lawmaker and has served as the CM twice since then. He had remained a part of the BAP and PML-Q in the past. “As of now, he is facing a tough time at the hands of Khair Jan Baloch, who is a leader of the National Party (NP) led by Dr Abdul Malik Baloch in PB-23 Awaran,” said Aslam Baloch, a constituent.

NA contests

There are three seats only. From NA-261 (Surab, Kalat, and Mastung), ex-CM Sanaullah Zehri, Sardar Akhtar Mengal, Mir Ataullah Longove, Maulana Ghafoor Haideri (JUI-F), and Kabir Mohammad Shahi (NP) are contesting polls. From NA-257 (Hub, Lasbella, Awaran), Jam Kamal Khan and Aslam Bhootani (independent), are contesting elections. From NA-256, Sardar Akhtar Jan Mengal, Mir Israr Zehri, and Sardar Aslam Bizenjo are contesting elections.

Suppression and manipulation

In spite of strong political families and nationalist parties, the politics in these districts is fragmented, especially over the past few decades, argues Professor Zahir Mengal, who teaches political science at the University of Balochistan. Prof Mengal says due to the suppression of political class it has become easier to manipulate cultural norms at the time of elections. He, however, believed that the central belt was still a centre of resistance.

Besides that, the region remained impoverished. “...there have been ministers, including caretaker chief ministers such as Saleh Bhootani and Nasir Mengal, deputy chairman of Senate, speakers of the Balochistan Assembly, but still one cannot find a good hospital here, let alone other facilities,” Daniyal Butt, who teaches at Buitems in Quetta tells Dawn. “This part of Balochistan had been the centre of the Baloch insurgency, which has now moved to Makran; still law and order issue exists,” he adds. Kalat-based Yousaf Ajab Baloch said despite many CMs from these districts, the region is still ignored.

Published in Dawn, February 7th, 2024

Saleem Shahid

Observers say there is no difference between Balochistan-based and mainstream parties, thanks to the politics of electables

DURING PML-N leader and former prime minister Nawaz Sharif’s visit to Quetta, the provincial capital of Balochistan, Quetta’s only four-star Serena Hotel was buzzing. Mr Sharif, who had been absent from Quetta for six years, returned to a warm welcome from over two dozen electables, including former Balochistan chief minister Jam Kamal Khan.

Rumours were rife in Quetta’s political circles that Nawaz and PML-N would form and lead the provincial government. Influential political figures from various parties, including the National Party (NP), Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (JUI), Pakhtoonkhwa Milli Awami Party (PkMAP), and Balochistan Awami Party (BAP), met with Nawaz Sharif, seeking his favour and support post-elections.

Before Mr Sharif’s arrival, former president and PPP co-chairman Asif Ali Zardari had been welcoming electables — called lotas (turncoats) — from south Punjab into the PPP.

Over the months, notable Balochistan politicians, including former senator and MNA Sardar Fateh Mohammad Hassani and former MPA of BAP Saleem Khosa, joined the PPP. However, they soon defected to PML-N during Mr Sharif’s visit, epitomising the fickleness of provincial politics.

In Quetta, a joke circulates about these lotas: they change parties more often than their clothes. After Mr Sharif’s visit, Mr Zardari also visited Quetta and Turbat, attracting figures like Sarfraz Bugti to the PPP.

Observers say there is no difference between Balochistan-based and mainstream parties, thanks to the politics of electables

“These are national assets,” commented senior journalist and daily Intekhab editor Anwar Sajidi, sarcastically referring to Balochistan’s turncoats. “Their owners (the establishment) transfer them bet­ween parties, mocking Balochis­tan’s political landscape.”

Mr Sajidi candidly expressed to Dawn that these politicians prioritise personal gains over public service, contributing to Balochistan’s lack of basic infrastructure.

“Unfortunately, they only think of their people and their rights when they are in the opposition. There is now no difference between Balochistan-based and mainstream political parties,” said Mr Sajidi. “These have their own invested interests. For Balochistan’s turncoats, they are neither in the best interest of the state nor the people,” he added.

Mistrust palpable

The locals’ mistrust in politics is palpable. Conversations with tea shop customers, bazaar visitors and rickshaw drivers reveal a common sentiment: their votes don’t matter in a system where the powerful manipulate outcomes.

“I will not vote this time. Those who come to the assembly continue to loot and plunder instead of doing anything for the people,” Zabiullah, a rickshaw driver, told Dawn.

Balochistan, grappling with its fifth insurgency, is deeply influenced by the security establishment’s involvement in politics. This interference often leads to political instability and overnight changes in government alliances.

“It is crystal clear that Balochistan is not in the priority of mainstream political parties, which is why these have to rely on the rolling stones that go wherever the wind blows,” said Muhammad Arif, assistant professor at the Department of International Relations, University of Balochistan.

“For instance, among other things, a single mainstream party leader does not come to do a jalsa in Quetta or elsewhere in the province before the elections, like they do in Punjab and Sindh,” Mr Arif said.

Diluting genuine politics

The foundation of this political culture dates back to General Ziaul Haq’s rule (1977-1988), when non-party-based elections in 1985 fostered a generation of opportunistic politicians.

Mr Arif traces this trend even further to the 1970s, during the National Awami Party’s (NAP) tenure in Balochistan.

“During the NAP government in the 1970s, there was a number of anti-NAP politicians who were created against the NAP leadership in Balochistan,” he told Dawn. “Even Nawab Akbar Bugti was involved in the anti-NAP manoeuvrings, though he evolved later on.”

Ghulam Nabi Marri, a senior politician with the BNP-M, views the emergence of “rolling stones” as a strategy to dilute genuine, pro-people politics in the region.

“These rolling stones are created to weaken the nationalism and genuine politics in Balochistan because we have a long history and a code of conduct,” he told Dawn. “There has been grassroots politics in Balochistan, where women too have been participating.”

He added, “So, this class of rolling stones that neither has the support of people nor the ideology are created to counter it too. Still, Balochistan has been struggling, which is why these do not have the backing except that of the state.”

Published in Dawn, February 7th, 2024

Muhammad Akbar Notezai

WITH the exception of the Makran division, tribes play a pivotal role in the political scene of Balochistan. Their presence is especially felt in the eastern parts of the province, dominated by powerful tribes such as the Rind, Marri, Bugti, Jamali, Domki, Khetran, and Khosa, among others.

The area is also dominated by powerful Sardars, whose control and influence has increased in electoral politics over the years, resulting in them being elected to the provincial and national assemblies time and again.

For instance, late Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti, the former head of his tribe, was an integral part of the legislatures during his political career — just as other members of his family still are. Even after his killing in a military operation in 2006, his grandsons Shahzain Bugti and Gohram Bugti were elected to the assemblies in 2018.

Following Nawab Akbar’s death, several rivals from within the Bugti tribe entered the political fray, notably Sarfraz Bugti — former caretaker minister — and Ahmadan Bugti, an ex-MNA.

Tendering his resignation as the interim security czar late last year, Sarfraz joined the PPP at a rally in Turbat, where former president Asif Ali Zardari had arrived to woo electables. Sarfraz is contesting the general elections on Feb 8 from Dera Bugti and will be up against Gohram.

Similarly, the Kohlu district has also always been a volatile ground in Balochistan because of its tribal culture.

Nawab Khair Baksh Marri, the former chief of the tribe known for his separatist nationalist philosophy, opposed parliamentary politics throughout his career and fought against the state. Despite his personal stance, his sons remain members of the provincial assembly.

Currently, Nawab Changez and Gazain are contesting polls from the Marri district. In 2018, due to the brothers’ rivalry, Naseebullah Marri — not from the Nawab family — won the elections.

Considered to be a close aide of Zardari, Gazain was once involved in separatist politics and stayed in Dubai for a number of years in self-exile. During his presidency in 2009, Zardari used his mediation skills and sent an airplane to bring Gazain back home. However, the latter did not have a passport at the time and, most importantly, the establishment was not in his favour yet.

Gazain finally returned to Pakistan just a few weeks before the 2018 polls and announced an end to his separatist politics. He was initially arrested but later set free — which some say came after he brokered a deal with the powers that be.

The all-powerful sardar

Politics in this part of Balochistan has mostly been of tribal nature because of the Sardars’ apolitical approach. Their politics increasingly revolves around appeasement, which has earned them the tag of pro-establishment Baloch Sardars.

LUMS professor Jahanzeb Rind, whose PhD thesis sheds light on tribal structure in Balochistan, told Dawn that the nature of elections in the province is seemingly based on personal and social relations, instead of the ballot box.

“In tribal structure, of course a Sardar is powerful. This is why Sardars emphasise tribal strength as compared to a political approach, because they are not answerable to anyone. In most of the cases, he forces his tribesmen to vote for him.

“Most of the tribesmen do not have a choice to vote for someone other than the Sardar. This is why a political approach does not make a difference to a Sardar, as the tribal structure itself reinforces electables rather than political ideology,” he said.

The professor went on to add that Sardars, including electables across Balochistan, want to enter parliamentary politics with the help of the establishment.

The Khetran Sardars, neighbours of the Marris and Bugtis, have also amped up efforts to come into power for the past three decades; Sardar Abdur Rehman Khetran has been trying to increase his stake in the political fray since the 1990s.

He recently made the headlines when three bodies, of two young boys and a girl, were found at his ancestral home. The deceased were allegedly locked up in his private jail. Rehman was initially arrested, but was released from jail days later and is now contesting for polls.

Read more: Private jails in Balochistan's fiefdoms

Unlike other parts of eastern Balochistan, he has been facing tough competition in Barkhan from Wadera Abdul Karim Khetran of the National Party, which is the only nationalist party in the belt. In 2018, Sardar Khetran defeated NP’s Wadera Karim, but locals believe those elections were rigged.

During a visit to Barkhan, Dawn learned that Wadera Karim enjoys a decent amount of support in the district. Unlike other parts of the belt, resistance within the Khetran tribe against their own Sardar is on the rise.

Even Inam Khetran, son of Sardar Khetran, is contesting elections against his father on the PPP’s ticket, while the latter, after switching loyalties several times, joined the PML-N during former premier Nawaz Sharif’s visit to Quetta last month.

Independent researcher and author Abdul Wahid Khetran terms the Sardari system the root cause of these problems.

“In Balochistan, most of the locals are against the Sardari system, which is being given steam by the state for its own vested interests,” he said. “Wherever the Sardari system’s grip is strong, there is more and more backwardness. Most of them (Sardars and Nawabs) are turncoats. They change parties overnight in order to sustain their grip in their constituencies,” he added.

Read more: Balochistan govt limits candidates' movements

Like others, the Magsis have also successfully maintained their representation in the national and provincial legislatures. Being Nawabs, they don’t have face any opposition from Jhal Magsi.

Nawab Zulfiqar Ali Magsi, who is the head of his tribe, has served as both the Balochistan’s chief minister and governor. Like Gazzain, he too is a close friend of Mr Zardari.

While Nawab Zulfiqar remains inactive on the political front, his brothers and son are filling the vacuum on his behalf and are members of both the legislatures and Senate.

Similarly, the Jamalis of Nasirabad, situated in the same belt, have risen to power as well. For instance, Mir Zafarullah Jamali — who was elected on PPP’s ticket in the 1977 elections —served as the PM during former dictator General Pervez Musharraf’s rule.

From the beginning, Jamali and his family’s politics, like most in eastern Balochistan, revolved around establishment. Despite his death and differences within the family, the clan has maintained its status in the political theatre.

The Domkis and Rinds of Lehri and Kachhi districts have been elected from their districts in a similar fashion as well.

Political activist Mohammad Amin Danish, who hails from the same belt, said: “There is hardly any political activity in the region due to increasing influence of Sardars, which has made it easier for them to continue to win. This is one of the reasons why they do not allow any opposition, in any form that jeopardises their writ.”

Published in Dawn, February 7th, 2024