BALOCHISTAN only enters the mind of mainland Pakistan when something spectacular happens. The hijacking of hundreds of passengers on the Jaffar Express by separatist militants, and the long, violent stand-off that followed, confirms that the gulf has become very wide.

While the Baloch case is certainly unique due to the depth of alienation of a wide cross-section of the Baloch social formation, and the growing appeal of militancy for the youth, tensions between other ethnic nations and the Pakistani state are also growing. That the national question has become so vexed demands serious reflection, rather than the knee-jerk reactions that follow an incident like the train hijacking. The crisis of hegemony across Pakistan’s various geographical regions is only likely to deepen if repression and resource grabs continue.

Sindh: Sindh is up in arms against the proposed building of new canals on the Indus river by a state-capital nexus that takes the name of ‘Green Pakistan’. Sindhi nationalism has a long history, and in recent times the PPP has more or less successfully retained power in the establishment-centric order and also claimed to represent Sindh’s interests. But the canal-building fantasy has touched a raw nerve. The PPP is running with the hare and hunting with the hounds. As Sindh’s plains and coastal deltas fall deeper into the pit of ecocide, expect radicalisation amongst young Sindhis, especially those in lower class brackets who cannot be bought over by the promise of plots in Bahria Town/ DHA and the benefits of vanity development projects.

Gilgit-Baltistan: If Sindh’s people are resisting the effects of canal-building downstream, then those of the lands through which the Indus river flows downstream are also on the streets. Mass protests against the displacement of local communities due to the Diamer-Bhasha dam have persisted in Chilas and other parts of Gilgit-Baltistan for some weeks now.

Serious reflection, rather than knee-jerk reactions, is needed.

The project, infamously associated with a former chief justice’s farcical public funding appeals, is a debt-fuelled behemoth which will cost more than $30 billion and cause untold harm to the environmental landscape of GB and upper KP. As permanent glacier melt and incessant tourist-centric development triggers increasingly ecological breakdown events, GB’s youth are also likely to become more radicalised against what is seen as colonial state policy.

Kashmir: As much as Kashmir is a central plank of state ideology, mainstream Pakistan is unaware of the contradictions in how the state conducts itself there. A civil protest movement has been ongoing there for some months, with demands centring around economic deprivation and political rights.

KP: Pakhtun regions are once again in the throes of deadly religious militancy, laying bare the policy of patronising the ‘good Taliban’. Kurram has been a war zone for months, while targeted killings and suicide bombings are daily occurrences in Waziristan, Bannu and beyond. As in the Baloch case, underlying the intrigue is a resource grab featuring the establishment, local and foreign profiteers. For years, the PTM has called attention to the follies of state policy, demanded accountability and called for a change in course. The response: look no further than ex-MNA Ali Wazir who has been in various Pakistani jails for years in ridiculous trumped-up cases. The PTI also has massive following amongst Pakhtun populations, particularly in

the Peshawar Valley and Swat-Dir-Buner. One way or the other, young Pakhtuns are at the very least qu­­estioning the illegitimacy and repression of the current hybrid regime, if not the state’s historical role more generally. But the powers that be care only about enriching themselves and disciplining peaceful protest.

Punjab/Seraiki: In contrast to all other ethnic-nations, Punjabi youth by and large do not mobilise as Punjabis per se. Yet here too, as the historical benefits of ethnic domination in Pakistan dry up for the middle and lower orders of Punjabi society, discontent is brewing. The Seraiki peoples of course have their own national question, and it is self-evident that the creation of a Seraiki province would represent a meaningful shift away from majoritarianism.

But even if this were to happen, will we see youth in the remainder of Punjab channel their growing anger towards a progressive alternative that can herald a new social contract in which this country’s multinational character is finally realised? There is no other way of arresting the rapidly spreading fires of xenophobia which feed on the status quo of repression and denial.

The writer teaches at Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad.

Published in Dawn, March 14th, 2025