COLOMBO: The new Prime Minister of Sri Lanka, Mahinda Rajapakse, would go down in history as the first prime minister to hand over his resignation letter a week after his appointment. The letter was, according to sources, asked for by the president.

The letter states that he would hold the post only temporarily and give way for President Kumaratunge to come in as prime minister in the event of abolishing the executive presidency under the envisaged constitutional change.

Mahinda Rajapakse, who has a high popularity rating among all political parties and also the United National Front, at present has inadvertently shelved out a "do or die" situation for President Kumaratunge, who finds herself isolated even within her own coalition party.

Although reassured by his resignation letter that the prime minister, who is fast turning out to be the alliance peace-keeper, would not be a threat to her, Kumaratunge has to make a show of supporting him for her own and her party's survival.

Added to the fact that his resignation was drafted along with his appointment, the prime minister of the country's 13th parliament would also be remembered for his insistence on not occupying the official residence reserved for the premier of the state, known as Temple Trees.

Preferring to reside at his Colombo residence with a minimum of security personnel, he states simply that residing at the opulent prime ministerial abode would not be good for his children.

Asked to specify further, he smiles and states that it would be difficult for his three school going children to relate to their peers with the trimmings of being the PM's children, trailing after them direct from Temple Trees.

He seems hardly perturbed that the Marxists (the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna) who had bonded with President Kumaratunge's SLFP to create the United Peoples Freedom Alliance, had strongly protested his appointment, lobbying instead for former foreign minister and arch enemy of the LTTE, Lakshman Kadiragamar.

Following are excerpts of the interview:

Q. Could you specify the role you would play as prime minister in the priority issues of peace and development before you make way for President Kuamaratunge to take over as PM?

A. The peace process will be handled by the president herself and I will give her all necessary support. As for development, I think it is the biggest challenge the new government will face. There was a near total neglect of development by the last government, especially where the grassroots communities of the country were concerned. The prime minister and the cabinet of ministers, working under the guidance of the president, will dedicate themselves earnestly to this task.

Q. Could you specify on the power the executive prime minister would hold as compared to the executive presidency - in the event of the president taking over as the executive prime minister?

A. The powers of the executive president will be defined through a process of consultation, debate and discourse in and around the constituent assembly that will be set up for the purpose of drafting a new constitution. One thing is certain that the executive prime minister, unlike the executive president, will be accountable to parliament.

Q. Your tenure is reported to be a maximum of three months. Is this correct?

A. While I am prime minister under the present constitution, it is our intention to introduce a new constitution within three-four months. So it only stands to reason that I will be prime minister until such time as when the present constitution is replaced by a new one.

Q. You have expressed confidence that the UPFA would have a broad consensus on the issue of changing the constitution. Could you tell if the UPFA would discuss the draft proposal with other party members to obtain their input?

A. The new constitution will evolve through an inclusive process of consultation, discourse and debate. For instance, all political parties represented in parliament will participate in the proposed constituent assembly.

Q. The minority parties, including the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress, the pro-LTTE Tamil coalition and the Ceylon Workers Congress, have unanimously said that they would not support the constitutional amendments attempted by President Kumaratunge. How do you see these obstacles?

A. We hope to resolve all the differences. We do not expect the path to be easy. We are committed to the mandate we received and we hope that others could see that too.

Q. The LTTE is putting pressure on the government for the resumption of peace talks. Is there a timeframe set by the UPFA with regard to the resumption of these?

A. The process of constitutional reform and the peace process are, at one level, independent of each other, while at another level they are inter linked. As far as setting a timeframe for the resumption of peace talks goes, we would like to resume the talks as early as possible.

Q. The LTTE had specified that they wanted peace talks to resume immediately. So, would the UPFA be keen on taking the LTTE's peace offer seriously?

A. We look seriously at the resumption of talks. We want it soon but rushing without a plan would not be beneficiary to either party.

Q. Is it the 2000 draft constitution that will be put forward again or will it provide the base for the formulation of a new draft?

A. A new constitution will be drafted by the constituent assembly which will also function as a forum for discussion and debate. Out of this process will evolve a draft constitution which will then be placed before the people through a referendum.

Q. India is seen playing a key role in the internal politics of Sri LankA. Will India be a replacement to Norway? Could you sum up India's role in resumed talks with the LTTE?

A. India is not playing any role in the internal politics of Sri LankA. As far as the peace process goes, we feel that India should play a major role, while Norway too will continue to be an important player in the process.

Q. What are the UPFA's plans to take forward the defence pact between India and Sri Lanka?

A. We will be discussing this shortly.

Q. Could you tell us something about your intended visit to India and the key issues you hope to take up there?

A. My visit to India will be planned out in due course. Broadly speaking, I hope to explore ways and means of strengthening the economic and cultural ties between the two countries.

Q. The sustaining of the coalition between the JVP and the SLFP is seemingly becoming problematic. How do you see this crisis?

A. The situation cannot be described as a crisis. There are differences between political parties, which signifies political dynamism. It speaks of a dynamic process of "give and take" between partners in alliance.

Q. The JVP (the Marxists) and the JHU (the Buddhist clergy- politicians) have strong opinions on how the peace process should be taken forward. Do you think that when it comes to getting support for your party's peace goals that these differences would come into play?

A. As far as the peace process is concerned, the final synthesis will surely flow out of a healthy interaction between different points of view. We must encourage it. After all, isn't this what democracy is all about? And, since the whole country is yearning for peace, I believe these different points of view will finally converge in a grand national consensus through a process of "give and take". We must steer the country towards such a final outcome.