Regional parties are largely caste based with narrow sectarian objectives. It is a cultural curse inherited from centuries of exploitation by those who dictated ethics and social values to the masses, the underdogs.

The caste system and the issue of untouchability are powerful poisons that still infect Indian society. 'Baba Saheb' Ambedkar, an 'untouchable', drafted a lofty constitution which has been eroded by corrupt politicians in Delhi who have been aided and abetted by politicians who operate their fiefdoms in the various states.

Caste and religion are blatantly used as vote banks and instruments of political power. 'A number of democratic ideas and practices described in this book,' confesses the author, 'do not evidently correspond to the ideals of liberal democracy which shaped the Indian constitution.'

This important research document has thankfully been shorn of the jargon that is the stock in trade of most political scientists and social anthropologists. Lucia Michelutti examines a particular caste, the Yadavs, in a specific area of the town of Mathura in Uttar Pradesh.

Why the Yadavs and why Mathura? The Yadavs are officially listed as OBCs (Other Backward Classes) as opposed to SCs and STs (Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes). Though high caste Hindus consider Yadavs as Shudras (in the fourth tier of the caste hierarchy) they, the Yadavs, claim that they are descended from Yadu who was the ancestor of none other than the god Krishna himself.

Such a gambit is not unusual. Low castes often fabricate spurious ancestry in order to climb up the caste ladder.

They can always bribe a Brahmin pandit to authenticate their claims since caste provides a kind of identity card. India's official policy of reserved jobs in the civil service and reserved places in educational institutions for members of the lower castes has resulted in an interesting new phenomenon. There have now emerged discernible upper and lower echelons among even the lowest castes.

The Yadavs claim Kshatriya status on account of their 'connection' with Krishna. That puts them in the warrior category and second only to the Brahmins, the priestly caste.

Only Brahmin and Kshatriya men reserve the right to wear the jane'u, the sacred thread. The Yadavs, Ahirs and Gujjars belong to the same varna, caste cluster. They were traditionally cowherds and milk sellers and, they solemnly inform sceptics, Krishna too herded cows.

Krishna's exploits and amours in the Braj region by the banks of the Yamuna river form the subject matter of a vast corpus of remarkably beautiful music, dance and painting. Mathura in Braj is closely associated with the god and it was therefore wholly appropriate that the Yadavs living there be closely studied.

Michelutti lived amongst them and meticulously recorded their attitudes, lifestyles, dress codes, familial patterns, marriage codes and practices and, above all, how they have mastered the art of manipulating the 'democratic process' in order to further their own caste interests. Their leaders such as Laloo Prasad and Mulayam Singh are well known. They wield immense power.

Although the ideologues of the Sangh Parivar have revived the Yadav identity, the Yadavs are not great supporters of the Bharatiya Janata Party. The Mathura Yadavs in common with other Yadavs support the Samajwadi Party which opposes the BJP.

The 1999 convention of the All India Yadav Mahasabha (AIYM) held at New Delhi was noteworthy. This is what Harmohan Singh said in his presidential address 'Krishna always fought for the upliftment of the poor, he played with them, he lived with them ... He always associated himself with his poor friends, the farmers, the shelterless ... He passed his life with these people, he struggled for them and left this world while struggling for those people ... The Mahabharata period which was the period of the Yadavs is known for its republican and democratic government.'

The next day, on December 26, Laloo Prasad, best known for his humourous manner and the 'Fodder Scam', exhorted his listeners 'I believe that whenever the name of Krishna appears, it does not make any sense to avoid politics. Lord Krishna challenged the evils.

'The history of communalism has been explored by many historians. But whatever the Vedas said, they began with the word Yadav... this is our history... I tell you the Mahabharata is a true epic ... Lord Krishna is being defamed on the pretext that he was a womaniser... whereas Lord Krishna respected and recognised women's power.'

On the same day Mulayam Singh, once a wrestler, said 'Krishna is considered a multifaceted personality ... Various people have various myths about him but sometimes when it comes to his 16,000 queens it reflects a kind of illiteracy.'

I begin to wonder whether any of these politicians has ever read the Bhagavad Gita. In it Krishna declares unequivocally 'The duties of Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaishyas, as well as Shudras, are divided according to the qualities born of their respective natures... All varnas have been created by me... One should not abandon one's duty which attaches to him from his very birth, even though defective.'

The 'Untouchables' (whom Gandhi called Harijans but who now call themselves Dalits) were not featured in the four varnas for they were considered 'outcastes' or pariahs. These include the bhangis, scavengers and latrine cleaners, and the chamars, skinners and leather workers. By no stretch of the imagination can Krishna's words be construed as a rousing manifesto proclaiming democratic and republican principles.

Brahminic taboos have been taken up enthusiastically by many Yadavs. No Dalit or Muslim is allowed to enter a Yadav rasoi (kitchen).

Muslims, who make up a fifth of Mathura's population, are treated with distrust and suspicion. There is always the danger of Hindu-Muslim riots breaking out which necessitates a strong presence of security forces within the town.

Dalits are still not allowed into the Mathura temples since it is believed that they would pollute the sanctity of those holy places. Michelutti records that she witnessed the caretakers of the Mahadev Ghat temple chasing away chamars who had strayed too close to the temple precincts.

'Untouchables', she says, may not sit in the presence of Yadavs as that would be considered highly disrespectful. The pollution barrier is a brutal reality of everyday life.

In spite of all this objectionable behaviour the AIYM is extremely conscious of the 'deprivation' and 'discrimination' suffered by the Yadavs.

When the BJP was in power, Prime Minister Vajpayee was 'requested to nominate at his earliest convenience' at least two Yadavs as cabinet ministers. Furthermore, they 'resolved to request the President of India to appoint Yadavs as governors'.

It was also resolved to 'request the government of India to undo the grave injustice to the community by not appointing any Yadav as member of the Union Public Service Commission, or judges in the High Court and Supreme Court.'

All this may sound funny; but it is not. The upwardly mobile castes of India are deadly serious. One cannot help feeling that India is experiencing a tragic and painful degradation of democracy.

The Vernacularisation of Democracy Politics, caste and religion in India
By Lucia Michelutti
Routledge Books, New Delhi
ISBN 978-0-415-46732-2
256pp. Rs1,357