E went the way he'd come in the H

midst of massive controversy, confusion and chaos. The former commando-president's departure from Pakistan's turbulent political stage couldn't be more dramatic, leaving behind a trail littered with myriad pieces.

But while the civilian government was entitled to self-congratulate itself on having rid the country of the most prominent symbol of a discredited ancien regime the gift sent to it by GHQ that August 18 afternoon had a message written all over the gift packaging . Wrapped in the colourful guard-of-honour, with which his military colleagues sent him off to retirement, was a missive meant for Pakistan's putative ruling elite don't forget where the buck stops in the country.

Well, the buck in Pakistan has been stopping at the gates of GHQ since that first military takeover by General Ayub Khan on October 7, 1958. In a few weeks' time the nation, since held in thrall to the country's military brass, will be observing the 50th anniversary of that black day when its nascent democratic process was snuffed out by Pakistan's first Bonaparte. Musharraf was the 4th Bonaparte in the dubious line of succession.

The writing had been there on the wall for Musharraf to see since the general elections of last February

18 but was not being read by him. There's nary a doubt that Musharraf would have stood his guns and not budged from the hole he'd dug himself into had his two crutches — Washington and GHQ — not given up and told him to stop leaning on them. It became an open secret in Washington that, after last month's visit of Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani, Bush had given him the green light to ease Musharraf out. But the nod came with a caveat do it with dignity and grace.

Another constant of GHQ's clout in Pakistan is that what Washington thinks the military brass ensconced in Rawalpindi doesn't much differ with on the essentials, unless it may have angularities likely to erode the charm it has thus far exercised with success over the people of Pakistan.

So the strategy to put paid to the Musharraf era in Pakistan was worked out in tandem Musharraf had to go but there would be no accountability or impeachment, because that would've opened up too many Pandora boxes to the distaste of Bush and his war-on-terror minions. The Sunday Times of London encapsulated Washington's umbrage at any kind of trial of Musharraf — in parliament or courts of law — succinctly Bush didn't relish his dirty linen being washed in the open.

In the end, all that loud thunder and bombastic coming out of the ruling coalition's two stalwarts, Zardari and Nawaz Sharif, ran out of steam. It fizzled out because of enormous pressure brought upon them from within Pakistan, i.e. the GHQ, and from the likes of Bush and the Custodian of the Two Holy Places in Saudi Arabia.

Zardari wasn't a problem for his handlers. He was, so to speak, in the bag from the beginning because he'd, and still has, a personal interest in Musharraf being not humiliated or hounded out too brazenly. Zardari feared, and still does, the spilling of beans robbing him of the pre-eminent position of the kingmaker that he has become in modern Pakistan.

Nawaz, more pointedly garrulous and insistent in his demand to bring Musharraf to book — for settling various scores with him, no doubt — was taken care of by the emissary from the Kingdom. Its intelligence chief, Prince Muqrin, was rushed to Pakistan to make sure Nawaz got the message and fell in line behind the curtain-drop scenario so meticulously choreographed to the last detail.

George W. Bush, to give him credit, did all he could to see to it that his most reliable and faithful ally in the war against terror wasn't humiliated or dragged through the mud. Ideally, Bush would have preferred that Musharraf could have lasted as long as his mentor was in the White House. However, in the maelstrom enveloping Pakistan, this is about the best denouement, from Washington's point of interest, of a frontline soldier who didn't hesitate to take his country to the pits in order to earn the accolades from his mentors and minders.

But the icing on the cake for Musharraf was, without an iota of doubt, the impressive last salute mounted for him by detachments of all the defence services of Pakistan. He may have boasted, while in power, that he enjoyed the trust and following of the Pakistani people but that was baloney. His only constituency was the army, which stood by him till the very last and didn't let him be embarrassed.

Why the GHQ military brass elect to honour and dignify a disgraced president is no riddle. In half a century of unstinted mastery of the country, including its political fortunes, the army has become addicted to having its way, whenever it so desired. Bonapartism is alive and kicking, and there should be no mistake of ignoring it, especially by those at the helm of the nation's affairs.

So there we are at a new cross-roads in Pakistan; not for the first time, for sure, and not for the last.

Musharraf will not stay on in Pakistan where even the GHQ may not be able to ensure his security of life, and the commando has a well-honed perception of personal safety above all. One can't imagine Musharraf spending his days, a la Idi Amin, in Saudi Arabia; the hermit kingdom is too austere for his taste and not worthy of becoming his cup of tea. Turkey, he may prefer, above all, because of long familiarity.

In all likelihood, he would end up in the US, where he has family and may feel more secure than anywhere else in the world, because of it being far from where his blood-thirsty nemeses thrive. But, again, it's immaterial where he finds shelter and refuge as long as he gets away from the reach of the law in Pakistan.

It's ironic that Pakistan's ruling culture that has made horrible, and repeated, examples of its civilian leaders — hanging one prime minister, killing two, forcing two into exile , besides dismissing with contempt half a dozen more — is so helpless when it comes to holding a general accountable. And that, too, in the case of a Bonaparte who made minced-meat of the law of the land, trod over its constitution with disdain and trampled over the sanctity of the high judiciary of the country. That he's being allowed to go scot-free is the abject ground reality.

Zardari and Nawaz Sharif have been left with the task of picking up the pieces of Pakistan's political mirror trashed by Musharraf, in addition to licking their wounds. In fact, it's only Nawaz that's saddled with the double jeopardy of licking his wounds and trying to keep his mercurial and maverick coalition 'big-brother' Zardari in check.

Zardari's interest is well-guarded with the turn of events where there's going to be no impeachment or accountability of Musharraf, because his wagon had been hitched with Musharraf for sometime. He has also been playing 'catch-me-if-you-can' with Nawaz for months, and flip-flopping with impunity. Zardari has been brazenly opportunistic and unprincipled as far as the sanctity of his numerous pacts and pledges with Nawaz Sharif is concerned.

The latest victim of Zardari's habitual disregard of accords reached in faith with Nawaz is the two-page written agreement of August 7 that pledged the PPP government to restore the 60-odd superior court judges, including Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry, within 24 hours of Musharraf's exit from the presidency. That has already fallen by the wayside.

Zardari's dismal track record on promises and pledges gives little hope of this latest somersault bearing fruit. He has a congenital fear of a rehabilitated Justice Chaudhry puncturing his balloon and bringing it down to earth. That explains his latest tack to seek a blanket indemnity for all of Musharraf's ultra-constitutional excesses so that the NRO that gave a new lease to Zardari remains beyond the reach of a conscientious judiciary.How would the jigsaw puzzle of Pakistan look now that Musharraf is gone? There's hardly any hope of an early revival of fortunes, despite the villain being no longer in contention.

The Zardari-Nawaz entente is a marriage of convenience that will unravel, sooner than later, because of the constant strain on its resilience. Barring the unlikely miracle of Zardari mending his devious ways, a parting of ways could come as early as next week or fortnight over who should be anointed to inherit Musharraf's dubious bequest at the presidency. Sensing that eventuality, the Q-League and MQM are seeking ways to ingratiate themselves with the kingmaker. MQM has unabashedly endorsed Zardari for President.

But all is not downhill for Nawaz and his setup. Because of its consistently occupying the high moral ground on the restoration of judges, Nawaz League has gained significantly in public esteem, just as the graph of the Zardari-controlled PPP has slid downward. Fresh elections would become unavoidable in the event of a likely impasse in governance as a consequence of Zardari-Nawaz split. Nawaz would be a sure bet to reap a rich bonanza at any fresh polls to dislodge Zardari from his current pedestal.

So more confusion and quandary galore at the national stage is what the pundit sees in his crystal ball for the days and weeks ahead. The US, our quintessential 'neighbour' would be queasy to the hilt and breathing down our neck to 'do more' as was the unrelenting demand off Musharraf.

The writer is a former ambassador.